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East Asian Calligraphy/Basic stroke order
From Wikibooks, open books for an open world
< East Asian Calligraphy
Jump to: navigation, search
Generally speaking, the strokes in Chinese characters are written from top to bottom, left to right.
Chinese Characters[edit]
There are several stroke order rules for Chinese characters: top to bottom, left to right, inside to outside. For example, the Chinese character for "hit", 打, the left part is written from top to bottom, then the right part is written from top to bottom. The order in which the characters are written can be expressed through drawing a tree diagram. An example of inside to outside stroke order is in the character for "round", 圓. The top two strokes of the box on the outside is written first (because of top to bottom order), then the inside is written top to bottom, and the bottom horizontal stroke is written last to enclose it.
There are many stroke order exceptions in Chinese orthography. For example in the character "上", meaning "up", the middle horizontal line is written first, then the vertical stroke, then the bottom stroke. This is an exception to the left to right stroke order rule.
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May 31
The year 1591 witnessed the fall of the last of the great empires of the western Sudan. The uniqueness of the fall of Songhay is not just that it was shot down at the peak of its glory, but that the collapse was a product of direct military aggression from North Africa. This unprecedented military adventure marked the first time a North African country would attack one in West Africa.
The primary reason for Morocco’s hostilities against Songhay was due to economic interest. El-Mansur, the ruler of Morocco, coveted and sought to control the salt mines and gold deposits within Songhay’s territory, which was erroneously believed to still be in abundance at the time of the attack.
The first attempt at invading Songhay was a failure. This was due to inadequate preparations for the expedition. However, in December 1590 a more carefully planned military campaign was embarked upon, with an impressive army of musketeers, many of whom
Were renegade mercenaries from Spain. Commanded by Judah Pasha, the Moroccan army was very well equipped with the most sophisticated firearms of the time. Consequently, when both troops clashed at the battle of Todibi in 1591, the Songhay soldiers were forced to succumb to the superior firepower of their invaders. With the defeat of Songhay at Tondibi, Moroccan forces went on to capture other important cities such as Gao, Timbuktu, and Jenne.
The first consequence of Moroccan conquest was the establishment of a protectorate over a substantial part of what used to be the Songhay empire. Songhay thus became a province of Morocco, with Judah Pasha acting as the governor. The nonrealization of Al-Mansur’s fortuitous ambition, and his consequent loss of interest in Songhay, resulted in the lack of effective administration of the territory and subsequent breakdown of law and order. By 1615, there was evidence of increasing internal weakness and confusion. Many of the former dependencies seized the opportunity to declare their independence as the empire disintegrated into small insignificant states. Among such states are those of the Tuaregs, Bambarra, Fulani, and the Hausa. The western Sudan never again had a political unit as large as the Songhay Empire.
Furthermore, the conquest and the rebellions which it occasioned took a heavy toll on the population of the western Sudan. Many lives were lost; some were sold into slavery and others taken to Morocco. There was a general displacement of the population. The breakdown of law and order, coupled with the general insecurity that pervaded the territory had grave economic effects. Agriculture suffered a setback, and this occasioned a period of famine. There was concomitant plundering of economic crops and valuables. In addition, trans – Saharan trade seriously declined because of the series of attacks connected with the invasion. The various routes were rendered unsafe, as pillaging of caravans and activities of brigands became a frequent phenomenon along trans-Saharan trade routes. This eventually led to a shift in trade traffic from the western routes linking Songhay to Marrakech and Fez to the eastern routes from Hausaland and Bornu to Egypt and Libya.
Again, none of the successor states had enough resources to support large-scale commercial activity. The Moors drained Songhay of the available gold. Moreover, there was the lure of the European presence along the Atlantic coast of the western Sudan that provided a better alternative to the cataclysmic state of affairs in Songhay and was not conducive to profitable economic activity. The totality of all these factors was a considerable decline in the volume of trade and loss of wealth in the Western Sudan.
In the realm of religion, Islam suffered a temporary setback. The Moroccans showed no enthusiasm for the promotion of religion, or for providing for the security and welfare of its agents. The Muslim scholars who did not welcome the Moroccan onslaught were regarded as foes and dealt with harshly. Their libraries and wealth were confiscated, while those found to be against them were exiled to Morocco. Prominent among such Muslim scholars were Ahmed Baba, the illustrious Timbuktu historian, Umar bin al Hajj Ahmed, Abdal al-Rahman bin Mahmud bin Umar, and many members of the Aquit family, who had previously enjoyed power and influence in Timbuktu as a result of their Islamic learning. Furthermore, the destruction of their libraries, and their deportation had a calamitous effect on Islamic learning in the region. The exiling of these renowned scholars, who had been the pride of Sankore University at Timbuktu, meant the death of learning and a gradual extinction of the scholarly reputation of Timbuktu.
Nevertheless, development in the post-Moroccan period suggests that Songhay’s defeat at Tondibi did not inaugurate a completely dark chapter in the sociopolitical life of West Africa. Politically, there was a shift of force from the Sahel region and the savanna to the forest region of West Africa. In the religious sphere, the collapse did not mean the end of Islam. The fleeing Muslims, especially the Fulani group, dispersed all over West Africa, spreading Islam southward to places like Futa Jalon. Islam was therefore carried at a grassroots level; the stage was set for the eighteenth and nineteenth century jihads (holy wars) in West Africa.
C. W. N. Ogbogbo
See also: Morocco: Ahmad al-Mansur and the Invasion of Songhay.
Further Reading
Awe, Bolanle. "Empires of the Western Sudan: Ghana, Mali and Songhai." In A Thousand Years of West African History, edited by J. F. A. Ajayi and I. Espie. Ibadan, Nigeria, 1965.
Boahen, Adu. Topics in West African History. London: Longman, 1976.
Bovill, E. W. "The Moroccan Invasion of Sudan." Journal of
African History, no. 26 (1926) and no. 27 (1927). Hunwick, J. "Ahmed Baba and the Moroccan Invasion of the Sudan." Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, nos. 2-3 (1962): 311-328.
Comments are closed.
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East Carolina University. Tomorrow starts here.®
Thomas Harriot College of Arts & Sciences
Department of History
BlackBoard Index Email and Phone OneStop Calendar Search
Faculty&Staff Mission Statement
Palmer German Wars
In the decades leading up to World War II, the world was in awe of the Prussian-German military, seeking to emulate what esteemed German military history scholar Robert M. Citino has termed "the German Way of War."Military professionals around the globe became fluent in the tactical jargon: bewegungskrieg, schwerpunckt, auftragstaktik, fingerspitzengefuhl, and of course, blitzkrieg. At the same time, German warfare would become closely associated with the bloodiest and cruelest era in the history of mankind. The German Wars: A Concise History, 1859-1945 outlines the history European warfare from the Wars of German Unification to the end of World War II. Author Michael A. Palmer looks at political, social economic, and military developments across Europe and the United States during the crucial period in world history.
The German wars would have a lasting impact in the modern age. As Palmer writers, these wars"brought to an end and revealed the shortcomings of the classical era of modern Western military thought. But the regressive slide toward premodern and primitive warfare, in combination with the fruits of the industrial and scientific revolutions, places the world on the edge of an abyss."
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HALL OF FAME / inventor profile
Edward Goodrich Acheson
Born Mar 9 1856 - Died Jul 6 1931
Production of Artificial Crystalline Carbonaceous Materials; Article of Carborundum and Process of the Manufacture Thereof
Patent Number(s) 492,767; 615,648
Inducted 1997
Edward Acheson's discovery of carborundum, a highly effective abrasive used in manufacturing, was an important influence in advancing the industrial era. In the mid 1890s, Acheson discovered that overheating carborundum produced almost pure graphite. This graphite was another major discovery for him, and it became extremely valuable and helpful as a lubricant.
Invention Impact
In 1926, the U.S. Patent Office named carborundum as one of the 22 patents most responsible for the industrial age. Not long after that, it was noted that without carborundum, the mass production manufacturing of precision-ground, interchangeable metal parts would be practically impossible.
Inventor Bio
Born in Washington, Pennsylvania, Acheson worked with Thomas Edison before establishing his own lab. There, he began experimenting in search of a good industrial abrasive. When he tried intensively heating a mixture of carbon and clay, he found that the mixture yielded silicon carbide, or carborundum. Acheson was key in successfully establishing at least five industrial corporations dependent on electrothermal processes. He received a total of 70 patents relating to abrasives, graphite products, reduction of oxides, and refractories.
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Watch It Move!
1st Grade, Research and Inquiry Activities
1. Click on:
2. Wind can move many things. When you blow on something you act like the wind.
3. Put the a block, a pencil, and a tissue at the edge of a table. Which object do you predict will go farthest when you blow on it?
4. Work with a partner to blow on each object and see how far it goes. Which one went the farthest? Draw a picture of what happened to each object below.
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"url": "http://treasures.macmillanmh.com/iowa/students/grade1/book5/unit5/the-kite-from-i-days-with-frog-and-toad-i-/watch-it-move"
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American Institute of Physics
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Physics News Update
Number 697 #2, August 19, 2004 by Phil Schewe and Ben Stein
Why are Seacoasts Fractal?
In a famous paper written decades ago, Benoit Mandelbrot asked how long the coastline of Britain really was. The answer depends on what kind of meter stick you use. The closer one looks at any scale of a rocky coast map, from well above the 100 kilometer level to the kilometer level, and so on to the meter level, the more indented and lengthy the "coastline" becomes. Not only that, but the coast's underlying geometry seems be fractal, meaning that it is extremely fractured and also self-similar: the shape looks, in a statistical sense, the same at all levels of magnification.
Now, scientists in France have inquired into the physical processes that actually could carve out a fractal coast. Their simulation of a rocky coast evolution depends on an iteration of erosion action. First, waves are allowed to erode the weak points in a smooth shoreline. This makes the shore irregularly indented and longer. This erosion exposes new weak points, but at the same time mitigates the force of the sea by increasing the wave damping. These steps are then repeated over and over. The resultant coast is fractal, with an effective dimension of 4/3.
According to Bernard Sapoval and A. Baldassarri of the Ecole Polytechnique (Palaiseau, France) and their colleague A. Gabrielli of the "Enrico Fermi" Center (Rome), this new study provides the first suggestion of how a fractal shoreline comes about. (Sapoval et al., Physical Review Letters, upcoming;, 33-169334172.)
Back to Physics News Update
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Blackwell Publishing
Natural selection and variation - What are the types of natural selection?
An example of disruptive selection: bristles on fruitflies
In nature, sexual dimorphism is probably a common example of disruptive selection; but here we shall use an experiment by Thoday and Gibson on the Drosophila melangaster fruitfly as an example.
Thoday and Gibson bred from fruitflies with high, or low, numbers of bristles on a certain region of the body; individuals with intermediate numbers of bristles were prevented from breeding. As the graph shows, after 12 generations of this disruptive selection, the population had noticeably diverged. Disruptive selection is of particular theoretical interest, both because it can increase the genetic diversity of a population and promote speciation.
Figure: experimental disruptive selection on sternopleural bristle number in fruitflies. Individuals with many or few bristles were allowed to breed, those with intermediate numbers were not; and the population rapidly diverged. After Thoday & Gibson (1962).
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Our World Today: People, Places, and Issues, Texas Edition
Social Studies, The American Republic Since 1877 Glencoe Online
Social Studies Home Product Info Site Map Search Contact Us
Student Web Activities
Chapter 11: Western Europe Today
"The Delta Plan Project"
The Netherlands, located on the North Sea, is one of the most densely populated countries in the world. Over the centuries the Dutch have learned how to protect their land and how to reclaim it from the sea. The Delta Plan Project is one of the largest marine engineering projects in the world.
Destination Title: The Delta Plan Project
Start at the Delta Plan Project.
• Scroll down the page, taking notes as you read.
1. What disaster occurred in 1953?
2. What was the purpose of the Delta Plan Project?
3. After studying the pictures and reading about the plan describe the weir that is the major part of the project.
4. Why was it necessary for the weir to be mobile?
5. After browsing through this site, pretend that you are an editor for one of the Netherlands' major newspapers. Write an editorial describing the positive effects of the Delta Plan Project.
Glencoe McGraw-Hill
Glencoe World History, Texas Edition
Textbook Activities
• Chapter Overview
• Student Web
• Self-Check Quizzes
• Interactive Tutor
Teacher's Corner
Additional Resources
Select a Chapter
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Written by Miriam Kahn
Written by Miriam Kahn
Polynesian culture
Written by Miriam Kahn
Socialization and education
Polynesian children were generally born into a large and warm family environment. Even before a child could walk, it was turned over for care to the other children of the household, who generally associated in a kind of amorphous playgroup with children of other families. It was in this context that Polynesian children received a great deal of their socialization. A particularly warm relationship existed between children and their grandparents; these relationships were often characterized by humour, bantering, and teasing, all of which provided vehicles for teaching traditional lore and providing technical training and sexual advice.
Education in Polynesian society consisted of training in special crafts and skills, such as canoe making or tattooing. Sacred academies provided training for the priests who were the repositories of the society’s traditions, mythology, and genealogies.
Rites of passage varied in type and importance from society to society, but several were common throughout Polynesia. The birth of a child was a matter of great significance, particularly if the child happened to be a firstborn son of a high-status descent group. Various procedures were called for to announce the birth to the community, to the ancestors, and to ... (200 of 8,017 words)
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Cite This Page
To Go
Silas Marner
Silas Marner
by George Eliot
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Silas Marner Theme of Tradition
Tradition is important to the villagers of Silas Marner's Raveloe. As an agricultural community, Eliot suggests, the village has changed little in hundreds of years. Anything new—like Silas's loom, or Silas himself—is suspicious. And so tradition is both good and bad. It holds communities together, but it can also shade into something like habit, and habit can keep people apart. In the context of Eliot's religious interests, it's also worth pointing out that the Anglican church has traditionally (so to speak) been imagined as a stool resting on three legs: Reason, Scripture (the Bible), and Tradition. In the Anglican church, tradition, or what people have always done, is just as important as what the Bible says.
Questions About Tradition
1. What is the difference between habit and tradition in Silas Marner? Where does Eliot draw the line?
2. Do certain traditions seem outdated in the novel? Where do novelty and newness come from?
3. How sincere is Eliot in praising the traditions of the villagers? For example, are we supposed to read her praise of the New Year's celebration at Red House as ironic?
4. What's the relationship of tradition to religion? To superstition?
Chew on This
In Silas Marner, tradition is connected to agriculture and novelty is connected to industrialization. An industrialized society can have no traditions.
Eliot suggests that tradition can isolate individuals as much as it can bind together communities.
Next Page: Change
Previous Page: Community
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Definition from Wiktionary, the free dictionary
Jump to: navigation, search
See also: in form
Etymology 1[edit]
From Middle English informen, enformen, from Old French enformer, informer (to train, instruct, inform), from Latin informare (to shape, form, train, instruct, educate), from in- (into) + forma (form, shape), equivalent to in- + form.
Alternative forms[edit]
2. (transitive) To communicate knowledge to.
• Spenser
• Shakespeare
I am informed thoroughly of the cause.
3. (intransitive) To impart information or knowledge.
4. To act as an informer; denounce.
His sense of religion informs everything he writes.
• Dryden
• Prior
Breath informs this fleeting frame.
7. (obsolete, transitive) To direct, guide.
Derived terms[edit]
Etymology 2[edit]
Latin informis
inform (not comparable)
1. Without regular form; shapeless; ugly; deformed.
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Steller's Jay
Cyanocitta stelleri
– Family
Authors: Greene, Erick, William Davison, and Vincent R. Muehter
Welcome to the Birds of North America Online!
Adult Steller's Jay (interior form; from central Rocky Mountains)
Figure 1. Distribution of Steller’s Jay.
During Vitus Bering’s ill-fated 1740–1742 expedition, the ship St. Peter spent only one day anchored off Kayak Island, near present-day Cordova, Alaska, before heading back to Siberia. The ship’s naturalist, Georg Wilhelm Steller, spent that July day in 1741 frantically collecting specimens and observing wildlife on the island. He was impressed with a black-crested, blue jay common on the island, but did not recognize it from the boreal forests of the Old World. Its similarity to the painting of the Blue Jay (Cyanocitta cristata) that he had seen in Mark Catesby’s 1731 portfolio The Natural History of Carolina convinced Steller that the expedition had reached America. Although Steller’s specimen was lost when the expedition was later marooned on Bering Island, his field notes describing the bird made it back to St. Petersburg; J. F. Gmelin used those notes to formally describe “Steller’s Crow” in 1788 (Mearns and Mearns 1992).
Steller’s Jay is a conspicuous, crested jay of western coniferous and mixed-coniferous forests, breeding from Alaska, western Canada, and the United States south through western Mexico to Nicaragua. There is considerable geographic variation in plumage color, size, and relative crest length of this species: Black-crested, black-, or gray-backed populations occur in Canada, the United States, and northwestern Mexico, and smaller, blue-crested, blue- or gray-backed populations in central Mexico and Central America. Introgression and intermediate forms occur where different subspecies meet.
Habituating readily to humans, Steller’s Jay is a well-known bird at feeders, picnic areas, and campgrounds, where its loud, often raucous calls announce its presence. The species has been the focus of detailed behavioral studies, revealing complex social behavior and vocal communication (Brown 1963a, 1963b, Hope 1980). Steller’s Jay shows site-centered dominance, which is thought to be intermediate between territorial and colonial social behavior: Males and females form apparently monogamous, long-term pair bonds, and the mated pair is socially dominant to all other individuals near its nest. The pairs’ dominance decreases farther away from the nest, resulting in complex, shifting dominance relations that depend on the locations of interactions in relation to the nesting areas of the interacting birds. Individuals communicate using many variable, intergrading vocalizations, in conjunction with different postures and displays, resulting in a complex and rich system of social communication.
Steller’s Jays are normally nonmigratory, although populations that breed at high elevations typically move to lower elevations during the winter. Periodic irruptions of large flocks (mainly young birds) bring this jay into areas and habitats not normally occupied.
Surprisingly little is known about the basic breeding biology and demography of this relatively tame, common, and widespread species. In addition, a taxonomic revision is needed to shed light on the evolutionary relationships among its morphologically variable populations.
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Life on Earth may have first originated deep underground
London, December 9 : The first replicating life-forms on the planet may have originated deep underground, a study has suggested.
A new research into the "deep biosphere" has shown that microbes living and reproducing as deep as 5km below ground are likely to have formed a distinct subsurface community of genetically similar individuals despite living on opposite sides of the world, and have survived in complete isolation from the surface biosphere for billions of years, the Independent reported.
The global similarity of such an isolated life-form has suggested that they may have evolved directly from a common ancestor that lived at the period when life on earth originated, some 3.5 billion years ago.
Matt Schrenk of Michigan State University said that this research lends further support to the idea that life originated not in the "primordial soup" of surface lakes and seas, but in the tiny water-filled fissures found in underground rock.
--ANI (Posted on 09-12-2013)
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This Issue
A number of years ago a film called “Catch 22” did the rounds of the theaters. It was about bomber crews during World War II, and I guess its purpose was to emphasize the insanity of war. In the film there was a rule that the only way a member of a bombing crew could get out of flying on bombing raids was to prove that he was insane. Catch 22? If a person tried to act insane, he was obviously trying to get out of the bombing raids, which is what anyone in his right mind would do. Therefore anyone acting insane was classified perfectly sane. It was impossible for anyone to get out of the bombing raids because of Catch 22. Catch 22 was a circular argument which was impossible to break.
In a similar way, evolution often presents us with a Catch 22, the belief that the physical characteristics essential for the survival of animals arose by mutation and were fine-tuned by natural selection: The catch?—if these animals require these characteristics for survival, how did these animals survive over the millions of years that it must have taken them to evolve to a point where they could survive?
An interesting exercise is to select a believed primary survival characteristic of a certain animal, and try to reason through how it could have survived while it was evolving that characteristic. Some examples would be the development of the wing of birds, the necks of giraffes, the quills of echnidas, or any other limbs, organs or abilities which it is claimed have evolved to enable those creatures to survive.
I have selected the incredible “aiming ability” of the Archer fish to illustrate the point in detail.
The Archer fish, or as an Ichthyologist would say, Toxotes Chatareus, is an unusual fish with a unique ability. It can squirt a tiny jet of water at an object (insect or fruit) on an overhanging tree branch, causing it to fall into the water where it is devoured by the fish. The Archer fish is apparently perfectly suited to this task. The form of its body from the tip of its snout along the nape to the commencement of the dorsal fin is almost a straight line. This enables the fish to lie at an angle at the surface with the mouth directed upwards and no part of its body showing. Its mouth contains a groove which runs along its roof, and when the tongue is pressed against it a narrow tube is formed. Rapid closing of the gill flaps provides the pressure to eject the water.
The first question we must ask is “Is this characteristic necessary for survival?” The interesting answer is “not really.” The present Archer fish is not entirely dependent upon its ability to shoot down insects. It is omnivorous, feeding not only on insects, but on small fish and sometimes even berries. It is quite possible to catch them with baits in Northern Queensland waters. This raised the fascinating problem as to what Toxotes Chatereus is doing with a characteristic which it is claimed has evolved out of necessity, which is perhaps a luxury extra. In evolutionary theory why did this fish acquire this unique ability? The answer most probably would be that food supplies ran low and they developed this ability out of necessity. While this is an easy answer, it does not solve the question, “How did they survive over the many years that they must have needed to physically evolve to their present state, and by what mechanism did the fish develop such a unique set of structures and functions?” The present evolutionary theory does not and cannot provide answers to these questions.
By way of example, can you imagine those transitional years with fish rising to the surface and wildly spraying water all over the place in an endeavor to shoot down an insect or a berry? Without the properly shaped mouth, there is no way that the fish could squirt a narrow jet of water to knock down an insect over a meter away.
The present Archer fish can shoot with surprising accuracy, and this brings us to another question “How did they acquire this accuracy?” When an Archer fish shoots, its eyes remain under the water, which means that due to refraction (the bending of light in water), the image it sees is not actually the position of the insect, unless it happens to view the insect at the angle of 90° to the surface of the water. To be able to aim at the position of the insect, the fish would have to make some sort of mental adjustment. But the sort of adjustment it would have to make is not simple.
In 1621 a scientist named Willebrord Snell discovered the relationship between the angle of incidence and the angle of refraction. By using trigonometry, Snell discovered that the sine of the angle of incidence divided by the sine of the angle of refraction equaled a constant. This constant is called the refractive index which happens to be 1.33 in the case of air to water.
It is interesting to speculate as to whether the Archer fish does or does not know the mathematics of Snell’s law. But he certainly does know where to aim!
For myself, the only feasible explanation is that God in His omnipotence gave it the ability to know how to aim. An evolution model has to explain how animals became adjusted to their environment. Adaptability is often used as evidence for the theory of evolution. We are frequently shown believed examples of how animals have adapted to their environment.
I believe that evolution would be far more convincing if there were examples of animals which are not suited to their environment. However, by virtue of definition, such animals could not survive. The fact that animals are suited to their environment fits perfectly into the Creation model, that God deliberately made the original animal kinds to cope, and any variations since that time have been minor.
To recognize that there are variations within the different “kinds” of animals is quite reasonable, but to extrapolate these observations to try to establish that all animals have a common ancestor raises many problems, including this Catch 22. I personally believe that the Biblical Creation account is the most reasonable basis for interpretation of the observed information.
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Lesson Plan-Winslow Homer, Near Andersonville.pdf
What were the causes of the American Civil War? How did the Civil War impact African Americans during the 1860s? As students analyze Winslow Homer's "Near Andersonville" they will discover the causes of the Civil War and the impact of the war on the African American population.
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Fragile X Syndrome: Research into Fragile X Syndrome, a common cause of inherited intellectual disability, is starting to generate treatments.
Neurology Now
October/November 2011
Volume 7(5)
pp 37,45–49
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Holly Roos' son, Parker, was not quite four years old, but Roos—who has a degree in early education—knew something was wrong. By his second birthday, Parker had never talked, only screamed. He couldn't hold a fork or pick up a Cheerio between his fingers. By four, Parker only had a vocabulary of about 20 words; he still had significant fine motor delays, couldn't draw a circle, and rarely used utensils because it was difficult. Parker couldn't dress himself and wasn't potty trained.
Figure. TRIALING Parker Roos, 12, and sister Allison, 8. Photo by Bill Burnham
Click here to enlarge
“But everyone we saw—the pediatrician, the developmental pediatrician—they all said he was fine,” Roos recalls. “They all stressed the fact that boys develop differently than girls.”
A few months later, Roos' mother, Colleen Usrey, attended a genetics conference and came across an information booth on a condition called fragile X syndrome (FXS). She knew right away that this was something Parker should be screened for. Roos insisted that her pediatrician order the genetic test for the disease, which showed that Parker had it.
By then, Roos had just given birth to another child. Her daughter, Allison, was born with severely crossed eyes, which Roos would soon learn was a symptom of FXS, just like Parker's language deficits, screaming, and muscle problems. (See box, “Fragile X Syndrome: The Basics.”) She now had two children with the disorder who, she was told incorrectly by one genetic counselor, would eventually require institutionalization.
Today, Parker, 12, and Allison, eight, both still live at home, attend school—Allison in a regular classroom full time, and Parker for 60 percent of his day—and receive various therapies for their condition. Parker is participating in a clinical trial of a drug that may one day reverse the intellectual and developmental effects of genetic conditions such as FXS.
An important chapter in the FXS story begins in 1991, when the FMR1 (fragile X mental retardation 1) gene was discovered. The gene sits on the X chromosome. Men and women each have at least one X chromosome, which means either can pass the mutated gene to their children.
Boys and girls can both be affected, but because boys have only one X chromosome, a single mutation in the FMR1 gene is likely to affect them more severely. A small part of the gene code is repeated on a “fragile” area of the X chromosome; the more times this part of the code is repeated, the more likely a problem will occur. Boys with the full genetic mutation have FXS, while half of all girls who receive the mutation have significant limitations in intellectual functioning and in adaptive behavior, which affects many everyday social and practical skills. Sixty percent of the girls who have the mutation without these significant limitations still have learning disabilities.
The full mutation turns the gene off, which means it does not produce a protein called FMRP. This protein controls protein synthesis throughout the brain. Without it, other chemicals required for proper communication between brain cells cannot function properly, leading to the symptoms of FXS.
In addition, notes leading FXS researcher Randi J. Hagerman, M.D., medical director of the MIND Institute at the University of California-Davis, FMRP regulates at least a third of the known proteins in genes associated with autism. That helps explain why autism is so common in people with FXS and why some treatments under investigation for FXS are also being tested in children with autism.
The missing FMRP protein also leads to physical changes in the brain. Researchers from Stanford School of Medicine and the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill used MRI to view the brains of children with FXS and those without, between ages one and three, a period of dramatic brain development. The researchers found what they consider an FXS “signature.”
Children with FXS have brains that are a bit larger than normal, particularly those deep brain regions involved in cognitive and emotional regulation and inhibition.
Now that these children have been followed to age six, researchers are finding that their brains have continued to change.
“You see parts of the brain that are the same [as in kids without FXS] and stay that way; parts that are different at the outset and remain different; and parts that appear to be developing normally but then brain development goes awry,” says Allan L. Reiss, M.D., professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences, pediatrics and radiology at Stanford University in Palo Alto, CA.
One such area—in which development begins normally but goes awry—is the thalamus, which acts like a switchboard operator for sensory information coming into the brain, sending this information to multiple cortical regions, says Dr. Reiss. That might help explain why people with FXS have difficulty processing and integrating certain types of sensory information.
The findings, Dr. Reiss says, may one day provide an objective way for researchers to track the effects of investigational treatments. Right now, researches must rely on cognitive tests and behavioral observation. Dr. Reiss expects that some of the medications under investigation will have a physical effect on the brain that can be captured on MRI.
As their scientific understanding of FMRP and its actions has increased, researchers have begun to identify possible treatments. They believe that even if the FMR1 gene can't be forced to produce FMRP, perhaps some of the mistakes that occur because of the missing protein can be fixed.
For instance, FMRP normally halts the activity of proteins that act as docking stations (receptors) for the neurotransmitter glutamate, which is involved in many areas of normal brain functioning. Without FMRP, these receptors operate in overdrive.
Reducing that overdrive, researchers suggested a few years ago, might reverse the abnormalities seen in FXS. That's just what happened in a mouse model of the disease.
Fast forward to today, when at least three drugs that block these receptors have demonstrated some benefit in children and adults with FXS. In one small study of a compound called AFQ056 in 30 men ages 18 to 35, those with completely nonfunctional forms of the FMR1 gene showed significantly fewer repetitive behaviors, such as rocking and clapping, when on the medication. They also had fewer tantrums and improved social interactions. The most common side effects were fatigue and headaches.
Researchers are also testing drugs that target GABA, another protein that relies on FMRP. GABA receptors are involved in anxiety, depression, insomnia, learning and memory problems, and epilepsy. All of these problems are present in people with FXS, whose brains don't produce enough GABA receptors.
A compound called STX209 that increases GABA receptor activity is being tested. An early trial in 54 males and females ages 6 to 40 found that after four weeks, participants getting the drug had significantly less irritability, fewer outbursts, and better social interactions than the group getting a placebo. In fact, many participants in the drug group stopped taking antidepressants and antipsychotics while in the study. The main side effects were fatigue and headache. Participants are currently being recruited for a larger trial of STX209, and it is being tested in children with autism, who also have GABA receptor problems.
Researchers are also testing an antibiotic called minocycline that is used to treat acne. It works by lowering levels of an enzyme (MMP9) that is important for the function of nerve cell synapses, where information flows from one cell to another. People with FXS make too much MMP9 due to the missing FMRP protein.
At least three drugs have demonstrated some benefit in children and adults with fragile X syndrome.
When a study published in 2009 showed that minocycline normalized brain cell connections in one-month-old mice, researchers were deluged with calls from parents asking if the drug was appropriate for their children. Dr. Hagerman began prescribing it to some of her patients with astonishing results. Of 53 patients of both sexes (from toddlers to adults) who received the drug, the participants' parents estimated that half improved their language and attention span; 44 percent improved their social skills; and a third had far less anxiety. The main side effects were nausea and discolored fingernails. Today, Dr. Hagerman is studying minocycline in a controlled clinical trial.
Figure. FRAGILE BALANCE Ian Weber, 23, has a job and lives part-time on his own. Photo Courtesy Jayne Dixon Weber, National Fragile X Foundation
Click here to enlarge
Holly Roos' son Parker participated in the STX209 trial when he was 10 years old even though it meant driving four hours each way from their home in Canton, IL, to the trial site in Chicago. One day, while the two were in the kitchen at home, Parker accidently broke a glass. Roos warned him not to move as she went to clean it up. But then, she heard her son say, in a shaky but cheerful voice, “I am sorry. I love you, mom.”
It was the first time Parker had strung together more than two or three words, and the first time he'd ever apologized for anything unprompted. It was also the first time he'd ever told his mother that he loved her. Roos burst into tears.
“I'm like, ‘This is it,’” she recalls. Roos believes that her son had received the study drug, not the placebo, even though participants were not told. Parker, now 12, is currently in the extension phase of the trial, in which all children receive the study drug, and the impact on the family's life continues to be dramatic. Today, he chatters on so much that Roos and her husband are continually amazed by the opportunities for conversation with Parker, something they felt might never be possible. In addition, his behavior has dramatically improved, Roos says, possibly because he can now communicate when he's frustrated or overwhelmed.
This summer, Roos took Parker to the local water park, where he went up and down the water slide dozens of times. “That would have completely overwhelmed him before,” she says. Parker also goes to the movies, eats in the school cafeteria with other kids, and has progressed from completing two binders of work a day at school to finishing six a day—all dramatic differences from his life pre-treatment.
Given these improvements, will Roos put her eight-year-old daughter in a clinical trial for the drug? Roos was hesitant at first since Allison is far less affected by FXS than her brother. But after a difficult start to the school year—filled with anxiety, hyperarousal, and social problems—Roos says they have filled out the paperwork. They will be taking Allison in October to see if she qualifies for the study.
“We are hopeful she will qualify and that the medication will help her as much as it has helped her brother,” she says.
But clinical trials for FXS treatments are not just recruiting young children. Explains FXS researcher Elizabeth Berry-Kravis, M.D., Ph.D., a professor of pediatrics, neurology and biochemistry at Rush University Medical Center in Chicago: “It's important to think of brain plasticity as having two different functions: One is developmental, and the other is ongoing maintenance so that new learning can occur.” Learning doesn't end after childhood—it's a lifelong process. In addition, we now know that the brain retains some ability to develop new neurons and and is continuously developing and remodeling synapses during adulthood.
What that means in terms of FXS treatments, Dr. Berry-Kravis says, is that treating adults with the condition might still improve their function.
That poses a conundrum for parents like Jayne Weber of Boulder, CO, whose 23-year-old son Ian was diagnosed with FXS when he was 20 months old. Today, Ian lives part-time in his own supervised apartment, works four days a week at a supermarket, and volunteers one day a week with Meals on Wheels. Weber—who, like Roos, works part time with the National Fragile X Foundation—has considered entering him into a clinical trial, but she has mixed feelings. For one, the trials require that blood be drawn from participants, and Ian refuses to let anyone take his blood. Second, the trial requires that participants take no more than three other medications; Ian currently takes six. Weaning him off those medications, several of which are psychiatric drugs, would be difficult. But the true limitation comes from a fear of rocking the delicately balanced life she and her husband have created for Ian.
“If something were to happen at work and he got fired from his job, he would have nothing,” Weber says. “We're in a place now where he's happy.” They can wait a few years until some of these drugs reach the market, she says. “Will it be life changing? I don't know. I've heard that parents are very happy with some of these new drugs, but what it will take, how it will happen for me, I just don't know.”
Fragile X Syndrome: The Basics
Fragile X syndrome (FXS) is the most common inherited cause of intellectual disability in boys. It also affects many girls. However, a person can have FXS even if his or her parents do not have it. The condition occurs in an estimated one in every 3,600 boys and one in 4,000 to 6,000 girls. Its effects in boys tend to be more extreme.
The condition is caused by a mutation in the FMR1 gene related to repetitions of a single code on the gene. People with 55 to 200 repetitions have a “premutation” gene, while those with more than 200 repetitions have the full mutation. (Unlike the full mutation, in which no FMRP protein is produced, the premutation causes too much messenger RNA to be produced. See box, “Fragile X Premutation.”) Every time women pass on the gene, the number of repetitions usually increases.
▸ Large, protruding ears
▸ Low muscle tone
▸ Long face
▸ Seizure disorders
▸ Frequent ear infections
▸ Mitral valve prolapse, in which the valve between the left upper and lower chambers of the heart doesn't close properly
▸ Strabismus, or crossed eyes
▸ Presbyopia, in which the eyes don't focus properly
▸ Autism; about half of those with FXS will be diagnosed with an autism spectrum disorder and about a third with autism
▸ Delayed speech, language, and motor skills
▸ Intellectual disability (formerly called “mental retardation”), characterized by significant limitations both in intelligence and in adaptive behavior, which affects many everyday social and practical skills; in addition, these limitations begin before 18 years of age
▸ Impulsivity
▸ Poor eye contact
▸ Vulnerability to sensory overload
▸ Aggressive behavior
▸ Difficulties socializing
Currently, FXS is treated with a combination of medications to address symptoms, including antipsychotics, stimulants, and antidepressants. In addition, a number of therapeutic interventions are used, including speech and language therapy, therapy for behavioral disorders, sensory integration therapy, physical therapy, and occupational therapy.
Fragile X Premutation
Although the full mutation of the fragile X gene has the most severe physical and cognitive effects, individuals with a premutation of the gene have their own issues to contend with. Unlike the full mutation, in which no FMRP protein is produced, the premutation causes too much messenger RNA to be produced, which can be toxic for cells.
The premutation is extremely common, occurring in 1 in 170 women and 1 in 500 men, says Dr. Randi Hagerman, who, with her husband Paul Hagerman, M.D., Ph.D., discovered a new adult neurologic disorder related to the premutation called fragile X-associated tremor/ataxia syndrome (FXTAS). It primarily affects men after age 50, with symptoms that mimic those of Parkinson's disease and Alzheimer's disease. In fact, individuals with the condition are often misdiagnosed with those conditions.
In women, the fragile X premutation is the most common cause of primary ovarian insufficiency, in which a woman's ovaries fail as early as her teenage years, sending her into premature menopause. It is also associated with an increased risk of fibromyalgia, thyroid disorders (particularly hypothyroidism), and seizure disorders.
The premutation is also associated with higher rates of anxiety and depression in both men and women, says Dr. Hagerman, although most have normal intelligence and even tend to be driven, successful individuals. As the number of faulty repetitions in the gene increases, though, people are more likely to have learning problems.
From Mental Retardation to Intellectual Disability: What's in a Name?
According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, intellectual disability (ID) affects an estimated 12 out of every 1,000 children, boys more than girls and black children more than white children. These children often have severe learning difficulties as well as other physical, mental, and emotional conditions that affect their intellectual and social functioning.
Although FXS is a common genetic cause of ID, it is hardly the only one. Other prenatal conditions include Down syndrome, fetal alcohol syndrome, cri-du-chat syndrome, and Prader-Willi syndrome. Intellectual disability can also be caused by infections such as congenital cytomegalovirus or meningitis, hydrocephalus or cortical atrophy, severe jaundice, loss of oxygen during birth, head injuries, and stroke. In addition, certain conditions present at birth can cause ID if not promptly treated, including phenylketonuria, galactosemia, and congenital hypothyroidism. Most newborns in the U.S. are screened for these conditions.
Children with these conditions used to be called mentally retarded. But in 2010, that phrase was replaced by ID when the American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD; ), previously the American Association on Mental Retardation, published the 11th edition of its Intellectual Disability: Definition, Classification, and Systems of Supports. The AAIDD is now working with local, state, and federal entities to permanently banish the phrase “mental retardation” from all programs and legislation in favor of ID, and has seen changes in a number of laws and public policies to determine eligibility for state and federal programs, among other things.
The change represents a change in our understanding of development and intellect, not just a shift in language, says AAIDD Executive Director and CEO Margaret A. Nygren, Ed.D.
“Previously, researchers, clinicians, and social and government agencies focused on a numerical score,” she says—the IQ score. “But it's problematic to focus solely on one aspect of an individual and make lifelong decisions based on one assessment at one time.” The new definition defines ID as originating before age 18 and “characterized by significant limitations both in intellectual functioning (intelligence) and in adaptive behavior, which covers many everyday social and practical skills.”
The new definition, which will be used to determine eligibility for services such as Medicaid, special education, and Social Security, acknowledges that people change over time regardless of their IQ, she says. For instance, people with ID may learn new adaptive techniques that allow them more independence or move into more supportive environments that can improve their ability to hold a job. These are things, Dr. Nygren notes, that IQ alone cannot predict. “Context and adaptive functioning and supports that can be provided are crucial in understanding ID and how to achieve optimal lives for those with ID.”
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The Mirror of our Fate
by Jared Diamond
Spring 2005
Easter Island, with an area of 66 square miles, is the most remote habitable scrap of land in the world. The Dutch explorer Jacob Roggeveen spotted the island on Easter Day in 1722. His first impression? A wasteland with not a single tree or bush over ten feet tall. It had no native land animals larger than insects, and no domestic animals except chickens.
The Easter Islanders who came out to Roggeveen’s ship swam or paddled in small and leaky canoes, that Roggeveen described as “bad and frail.” As a sailor who had just spent 17 days crossing the Pacific from Chile in three large European ships without any sight of land, Roggeveen asked himself: How had the Polynesians greeting him reached such a remote island?
What puzzled him more were Easter’s huge stone statues. “The stone images at first caused us to be struck with astonishment,” Roggeveen wrote, “because we could not comprehend how it was possible that these people, who are devoid of heavy thick timber for making any machines, as well as strong ropes, nevertheless had been able to erect such images.” The statues’ sheer number and size suggest a population much larger than the estimated one of just a few thousand people encountered by Roggeveen. What happened to the former large population?
The fate of Easter Island is related to that of the Maya in Central America. The population of Central Peten at the peak of the Classic Maya period is variously estimated at between 3 million and 14 million people, but when Cortés and his Spanish army passed through the area in 1524 and 1525, they nearly starved because they encountered so few villages from which to acquire corn. Cortés passed within only a few miles of the ruins of the great Classic cities of Tikal and Palenque, but they heard or saw nothing of them. How did such a huge population of millions of people disappear? As the archaeologist David Webster succinctly puts it, “Too many farmers grew too many crops on too much of the landscape.” Compounding the mismatch between population and resources was the effect of deforestation and hillside erosion which caused a decrease in usable farmland at a time when more rather than less farmland was needed. More and more people fought over fewer resources.
Bringing matters to a head was climate change. The drought at the time of the Classic collapse was not the first drought that the Maya had lived through, but it was the most severe. At the time of previous droughts, there were still uninhabited parts of the Maya landscape, and people at a site affected by drought could save themselves by moving. However, at the time of the Classic Collapse, the landscape was now full, there was no useful unoccupied land in the vicinity on which to begin anew.
We have to wonder why the Maya kings and nobles failed to recognize these seemingly obvious problems undermining their society. Their attention was evidently focused on their short-term concerns of enriching themselves, waging wars, erecting monuments and extracting enough food from the peasants to support all these activities. Like most leaders throughout human history, the Maya kings and nobles did not heed long-term problems, insofar as they perceived them.
About the Author
Jared Diamond is the author of The Third Chimpanzee and Guns, Germs and Steel, for which he won the Pulitzer Prize in 1998. He is one of the most lucid thinkers on the environmental crisis in the world today, so when we talked to him about writing an essay for our catalog, we were not surprised when he told us the title of his next book would be Collapse. Collapse was published in January (2005) to worldwide acclaim.
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This Site Last Updated: Wednesday, December 31, 2003
This Page Last Updated: Monday December 15, 2003
The Hopewell culture, from what is today Hopewell, Ohio, arose as a result of extensive trade routes which ran, north-south, from the Great Lakes to Mexico and, east-west, from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic coast. It is unclear if the Hopewell culture created these routes or were simply the major traders on them. (It must be noted that until the Spanish invaded that there were no horses in the new world, and travel was either on foot or by canoe.)
The Hopewell are most famous for their earthworks and burial mounds.
The Hopewell culture peaked circa A.D. 500 and then rapidly fell into decline. It is unclear why it ended, but archaeologists believe it is possible that their trade routes collapsed and this brought about the end. Whatever the cause, after A.D. 500 the number of mounds and the craftsmanship of the artifacts in them began to decline.
The Hopewell had a stratified social structure, with leaders who were likely of a special class, craftsmen and traders, and laborers. There were guilds composed of carvers, metalworkers, woodworkers, and traders. These appear to be first trade unions in the New World. The societal organization does not appear to have been divisive, and simply seems to reflect the specialization of labor which is required for an advanced society. All classes contributed to their earthworks and burial mounds.
As a result of their extensive trade routes, Hopewellian beliefs and values were carried all over North America. The Marksville Culture, in what is today the Florida Keys, is believed to have been created as a result of Hopewell influence. Each culture that adopted Hopewell values modified them in some way, incorporating local beliefs and traditions. There is no evidence that the Hopewell culture was a warlike one, and it appears that their culture spread because it was a free society.
The Hopwell trading region ran, north-south, from the Great Lakes to Mexico and, east-west, from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic coast. This enormous region was traversed on foot or by canoe, as there were no horses in the New World until over a thousand years later when Spanish invaders brought them. It is unclear if the Hopewell culture created these trade routes or if they were simply the major traders on them.
To the south, the Gulf Coast region include alligator teeth, conch shells, elaborate bird feathers, pottery, and shark's teeth and skins. From the east, the Atlantic Coast region provided mica (a flaky clear mineral), chert (a flint-like rock), shells, and wampum beads. Lake Superior and the Upper Mississippi Valley supplied copper and lead. The western region of the Rocky Mountains provided obsidian (a jet black glassy rock) and grizzly bear teeth.
The primary impetus for trade appears to have been obtain manufactured goods, or the raw materials which which the Hopewell either made into goods or traded for goods, all in order to create elaborate funeral objects for their famous burial mounds.
The earthworks at what is today Raccoon Creek in Lickling County, Ohio, are the most complicated ones known outside of the Aztec, Incan, and Mayan. The Hopewell built a large, flat mound over nearly four square miles in size and between thirty and fifty feet above the stream. There were numerous structures -- with circular, rectangular, and octagonal shapes -- all connected by wide streets. Moats ran along the interior sides which did not face the river.
These earthworks, and the artifacts the contained, were, alas, destroyed by farmers of European descent before any study could be made.
Various branches of the Middle Mississippi Culture began to make burial mounds circa A.D. 700 and continued the practice for about three hundred years. At that point the practice evolved into the "Temple Mound Period" which built enormous mounds as foundations for ceremonial temples and the dwellings of high-ranking leaders and priests. Their mounds are found from Ohio to Iowa and from Minnesota to Missouri.
The Hopewell created some of the finest craftwork and artwork of the Americas. Most of their works had some religious significance, and their graves were filled with them. Beside the dead were placed beads, birchbark scrolls, ear and finger rings metal figures, necklaces, ornate carvings made from bone or wood, painted mosaics, decorated ceremonial pottery, and pendants. Some graves were lined with woven mats, mica (a flaky clear mineral), or stones.
The Hopewellians never discovered the technique of casting molten metal, and instead hammered copper, iron, gold, and silver into tools and jewelry.
Some artifacts were made from hammered meteorites, since this was the only available source of pure iron. (Iron converts to oxides -- rust -- easily, so until the advent of smelting there was no other source for iron aside from meteorites.) Other artifacts were made from gold and silver, which are not found in the area. It is unclear from which cultures the iron, gold, and silver were obtained.
Copper working arose in the Great Lakes area because of the numerous exposed deposits of almost pure copper. Copper was extracted by fracturing the rock surrounding the ore. The process was simple: build a fire to heat the rock surrounding the copper ore and then quench it with water. The repeated cycle of expansion and contraction then split the rock. Any rock still attached to the ore was removed by bashing it with a stone club.
Tools include such items as arrow or spear points, awls, fish hooks, gouges, knives, picks, wedges, and other utensils. Jewelry included beads, earings, finger rings, effigy coverings, headplates, and pendants. Copper trade goods made in the Great Lakes region have been found in the northeast (what are today New England and New York), in the south (what are today Alabama, Florida, and Louisiana), and on the Great Plains (what is today the midwest).
Fabrication used two techniques. One was to hammer the cold copper into the desired form. Designs were indented or cut, and the final product was removed from the surrounding sheet by repeatedly bending the copper until it work hardened and broke. As copper is worked, it forms grains which make the metal brittle. These grains are normally removed by annealing, which heats the metal red hot in order to remove these grains and make the copper pliable again.
The richest veins were on the shores of Lake Superior, on the Keweenaw Pennisula of what is today northern Michigan, and on the shores of what is today Isle Royale.
Skeletons recovered from Hopewell mounds show lesions characteristic of syphilis. Given that the disease was unknown in Europe, just as many European diseases, such as smallpox, were unknown in the New World, it is highly likely that European explorers carried it back with them after contact with native peoples along the Atlantic coast. If so, it is the only time the Native Americans are known to have inflicted any disease upon the Europeans.
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Rainbow Bridge
National Monument Utah
The Cummings-Douglass Expedition
The Cummings-Douglass Expedition
Rainbow Bridge was undoubtedly known to local Indian tribes of the area, both prehistoric and historic. There is also evidence to support the likelihood that a few cowboys and prospectors had also stumbled across the span in the course of their wanderings. Yet, it was not until 1909 that Rainbow Bridge was "discovered" and publicized to the outside world. That discovery was shared by two veteran Southwestern scholars--Dr. Byron Cummings and William B. Douglass--who were united, albeit briefly, by John Wetherill, a famous Southwestern trader and explorer in his own right.
Rainbow Bridge Expedition membeers
Back Row (left to right): John English, Dan Perkins, Jack Keenan, Jean Rogerson, Neil Judd, Don Beauregard. Front Row (left to right): Jim Mike, John Wetherill, Byron Cummings, William Douglass, Malcolm Cummings.
NPS Archives
Stories of a legendary bridge of stone had been heard in several circles for a number of years. John Wetherill, along with his wife Louisa, had heard tales of the bridge from Navajo people while operating their trading post in Oljato. The Wetherills passed along this information to University of Utah archeologist Dr. Byron Cummings, who was conducting expeditions in the area.
Meanwhile, William B. Douglass, Examiner of Surveys under the General Land Office, who was completing a survey of the newly created Natural Bridges National Monument also heard the story of a marvelous natural bridge. He informed his superiors who instructed him to attempt to locate the bridge. Thus, the "race" began.
There had apparently been friction between Cummings and Douglass in the past. Indeed, at the time when both parties were preparing expeditions to search for the bridge, Douglass was also attempting to have Cummings' permit to excavate archeological sites revoked. John Wetherill, who was organizing the Cummings expedition, was placed in the position of being a mediator for the two groups. After much discussion and at least one false start, the two rivals agreed to combine their resources.
Horses going over slickrock
The trail wound in and out canyons, across treacherous slickrock hills, and slogged through dry sandy washes and thick brush.
NPS archives
On August 11, 1909, the group began their trek to the bridge. They were guided by Ute Mountain Ute Jim Mike, a member of the Douglass party who had supposedly heard about the bridge from the Navajos. Along the way they were to meet up with Paiute Nasja Begay, another local who knew the route to the bridge.
Finally, late in the afternoon of August 14, the weary riders reached their goal. The rivalry between Cummings and Douglass had not lessened during the journey, however, and both men spurred their horses in an attempt to be the first white man to ride under the bridge. John Wetherill saw what was happening and, being closer to the bridge, went on ahead and rode under the span. It is unclear if Wetherill was motivated by diplomacy or irritation, but his actions did defuse this particular point of contention between Cummings and Douglass. The two explorers rode side-by-side under the bridge--after Wetherill.
Did You Know?
Rainbow Bridge
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Cheever, Dr. Marion
Renowned Terragen scientist (early Interplanetary period) responsible for a major breakthrough in the field of gravitational theory. Along with predicting a number of effects which were later experimentally verified, Dr. Cheever's theory also led to the discovery of the 'Cheever Effect', a minuscule discrepancy in the relation between inertial and gravitational mass at the quantum level. At the time of its discovery, the Cheever Effect was thought to be of no practical importance, much like the 'ftl' effects seen in radio waveguides and other devices. It was not until centuries later, with the invention of the first reactionless drive, that an examination of Dr. Cheever's work was referenced as having provided the inspiration that led to the research that culminated in the invention of the drive.
Appears in Topics
Development Notes
Text by Charles Mosteller and Todd Drashner
Initially published on 31 December 2007.
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Library of Congress
The Library of Congress > Teachers > Classroom Materials > Collection Connections > The Chinese in California
[Detail] "Sing Fat Co., Inc.": From San Francisco Chinatown (post-1910)
Racial Stereotypes in Popular Culture | Drama | Persuasive Writing | Creative Writing | Community and Photography
Racial Stereotypes in Popular Culture
The United States has often been celebrated as a haven for immigrants from around the world. The inscription on the Statueof Liberty famously reads, "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door." Yet, Americans demonized and stereotyped immigrant groups, from the Irish to the Chinese, as they arrived on their shores.
This collection provides countless examples of how the Chinese were racially stereotyped in the popular media of the nineteenth century. Search on cartoons for hundreds of illustrations published in San Francisco's Wasp and Wave and New York's Harper's Weekly. Browse these images to determine how the Chinese were stereotyped in popular graphics of the day.
• What kinds of activities are Chinese people doing in these cartoons?
• With what are Chinese people associated in these images?
• How would you characterize the appearance of Chinese people in these cartoons?
• Which cartoons do you find most and least offensive?
• What makes a cartoon offensive?
Search on heathen for two copies of sheet music for a song called "The Heathen Chinee." The lyrics are a poem written by Bret Harte, the popular American local colorist, who won fame for his short stories and poems published in magazines such as the Overland Monthly, of which he was editor, and the Atlantic Monthly. "The Heathen Chinee" is a humorous account of a poker game involving Truthful James, one of Harte's popular characters, a narrator, Bill Nye, a California miner, and Ah Sin, a "heathen Chinee." The first stanza reads:
"Which I wish to remark — And my language is plain — That for ways that are dark, And for tricks that are vain, The heathen Chinee is peculiar: Which the same I would rise to explain. . . . . . Ah Sin was his name; And I shall not deny, In regard to the same, What that name might imply; But his smile it was pensive and childlike, As I frequent remarked to Bill Nye. . . . . ."
From "The heathen Chinee musical album"
• Why do you think Harte's poem was set to music?
• What do the other items found by searching on heathen suggest about the popularity of Harte's poem?
In addition to "The Heathen Chinee," "Popular Songs Illustrated" from the Wasp excerpts another song about a heathen Chinaman, named Ah Yung Bull.
The collection also includes a short novel called The Bradys and the Chinese Dwarf, or, The "Que Hunter" of the Barbary Coast from the Secret Service Old and Young King Brady Detectives Series. Examine the cover and read this example of popular nineteenth-century fiction.
• How are Chinese people portrayed on the cover of this detective story?
• How are they portrayed in the text?
Finally, an advertisement for "Chinee-Graphs!" presents photographic studies "from life," assuring, "as most of them are unposed they possess a human interest that is at all times appealing. The signs on the walls in some of these pictures mean GOOD LUCK AND BEST WISHES." Search on postcard for more examples of popular depictions of Chinese people.
• What are the similarities in how the Chinese are portrayed in popular images and texts of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries? What characteristics are commonly emphasized? What qualities are commonly attributed to Chinese people?
• What do The Bradys and the Chinese Dwarf and the advertisement for "Chinee-Graphs!" suggest about the popular appeal of the Chinese in the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century United States?
• What is the relationship between this appeal and stereotyping?
• How and why do you think racial stereotypes develop?
• Do you think popular media, such as cartoons, post cards, and dime novels lend themselves to stereotyping? Why or why not?
• To what extent do you see racial stereotyping in the popular media of today?
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War in the Pacific: The First Year
A Guide to
the War in
the Pacific
History of Outbreak
Pre-War Guam: 1941
The Insular Force Guard
Japan's Pacific Gamble
The Chamorro
Sailors and Ships
War in the Pacific: Outbreak of the War
Pre-War Guam: 1941
One could imagine Guam truly being an idyllic paradise in a by-gone era, complete with thick, lush coconut groves, clear blue skies, crystal clear aqua ocean waters, and white sandy beaches. Life on pre-war Guam mirrored this idyllic setting: family, church, and village life styles were vital components in Guam's Chamorro society.
Family ties were strong and parents instilled discipline among their children; respect was inherent between members of the immediate family and was extended to elders within the community. The prosperity of a man's family, before the war, depended literally on the fruits of his labors. There was no form of work he was ashamed to do, and he encouraged this in his children the same attitudes.
Chamorro women
Three Chamorro women pose tor the camera in this pre-war photograph.
Guam's 1940 population was over 22,000 people. Guam's capital, Agana, was a beehive of social and political activity. People lived in thatch-roofed houses alongside important political buildings, lending a close-knit atmosphere. Families would form together, cultivating such staple foods as coconut, breadfruit, kapok, lime and mango. Supplementing produce were chickens, pigs, cattle, and carabao.
Guam Insular Force Band and Militia
The Guam Insular Force Band and the Guam Militia parade through Agana.
Chamorros were not only farmers, but like their ancient ancestors, were excellent navigators and fishermen. Fishing was a community activity and the catch of the day was shared within the villages. There were over 200 outrigger canoes, called proa, a sleek designed ship considered very efficient by the envious Spanish explorers who first plied the Pacific waters in the sixteenth century.
A US. Marine stands in front of the Pan American Airways office in this 1938 photograph.
Pan American Airways clipper
Pan American Airways clipper, flying to various locations throughout the Pacific, flew into Sumay's searamp.
Chamorro farmers and fishermen knew not of the increasing political tensions between the United States and Japan as the dusk of 1941 approached. The increased volatility between the two nations eventually leads to the evacuation of all U.S. dependents and civilians on Guam. By October 17, the evacuation was completed with the exception of an officer's wife who was confined for childbirth. After receiving warning messages on December 6, the Navy Department ordered all classified materials destroyed.
On December 7, 1941, the USS Goldstar was preparing to leave the Philippines enroute to Guam but was delayed by the Commander in Chief, Asiatic Fleet because of the intensified international situation between the United States and Japan. The Goldstar never arrived on Guam.
Plaza de Espana and Dulce de Nombre Maria cathedral
This pre-war photograph of Agana shows the Plaza de Espana (center) and the Dulce de Nombre Maria cathedral (right).
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The charge of QCD is called "color" and comes in three fundamental values called "red", "green", and "blue", to which are coupled eight distinct states of a single vector boson called a "gluon".
Unlike the photon in QED, gluons are themselves color charged objects, which means the theory is complicated by the existence of three- and four-gluon vertexes.
A important feature of the strong interaction is confinement, which demands that all all objects able to exist at large distance separation must be color-neutral: either adding equal amounts of red, green, and blue (as in baryons); or by adding color and anti-color (as in mesons).
history | show excerpt | excerpt history
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Global EngagementUC HomeAbout UCUC AcademicsUC AdmissionsUC AthleticsUC GlobalUC HealthUC LibrariesUC ResearchNews
Plants Keep Spines Long After Their Grazer Went Extinct
Chemical analysis shows that spiny plants of Madagascar evolved protection from animals that have since gone extinct.
Date: 1/30/2013 12:00:00 AM
By: Greg Hand
Phone: (513) 556-1822
UC ingot Evidence for evolution lasts long after the cause for evolution disappears. That is one of the conclusions reached in a new paper by Brooke E. Crowley of University of Cincinnati and Laurie R. Godfrey of the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Their paper, “Why all those spines? Anachronistic defenses in the Didiereoideae against now-extinct lemurs,” was published Tuesday, Jan. 29, by the South African Journal of Science.
Crowley and Godfrey have worked extensively in Madagascar, particularly in the very dry southern part of that island.
Brooke Crowley
Brooke Crowley in Madagascar
“Almost all the plants there are spiny,” Crowley said, “and that raises questions because spines have a real cost to the plant. Plants should only grow spines when it is worth the expenditure of energy and nutrients. This is particularly true for spiny succulents, like the endemic Didiereoideae, which typically grow very slowly.”
Usually, Crowley said, spines are a sign that some animal is eating the plant. Plants that grow spines are able to resist or slow browsing and survive to reproduce.
“However, very few animal species consume Didiereoideae today,” she said. “The vertebrate community of Madagascar has experienced a dramatic decline over the past 2000 years.”
Perhaps, Crowley and Godfrey reasoned, animals that are now extinct consumed the spiny plants.
“These spiny succulent plants live only in Madagascar,” Crowley said. “They are close relatives of succulents, including the jade plant, found on mainland Africa, but the African plants have no spines.”
Alluaudia procera
One of the spiny succulents of Madagascar studied by Crowley and Godfrey.
This suggests that the plant-eating animals were unique to Madagascar. Among the potential now-extinct plant-eaters of Madagascar are lemurs, tortoises, pygmy hippopotamuses and elephant birds. Of these, only lemurs are likely candidates, because the spiny plants are fairly tall and none of the other extinct candidates could climb or fly.
How can a researcher prove that an extinct animal ate a particular plant? Crowley relied on ratios of carbon and nitrogen isotopes to assemble chemical profiles to distinguish the Didiereoideae from other succulent plants, grasses, trees and herbs.
She then extracted collagen from the bones of extinct and extant animals and traced the tell-tale chemical profiles of different sorts of plants.
“Our results suggest that several of the extinct lemurs, particularly a species named Hadropithecus stenognathus, may have relied heavily on these spiny plants,” Crowley said.
The isotopic evidence reveals that no other animals fed on these spiny plants to any significant extent. Because the lemur species that ate the spiny plants are now extinct, the plants may no longer require spines for protection.
“Our data support the conclusions that the herbivores exploiting the leaves of these plants were largely climbing lemurs, and that the loss of giant climbing lemurs has rendered the spines of these plants increasingly anachronistic,” Crowley said.
Although the defences are no longer necessary for the survival of today’s plants, evidence for evolutionary adaptation persists.
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You are here: Treasure House > Relics
Piece of Plymouth Rock, 1620Piece of Plymouth Rock, 1620
Plymouth Rock has been an important symbol—but one with varying meanings—since its "invention" in 1774 as part of an attempt to promote the Revolution's cause by associating it with the Pilgrims. In the 1820s Plymouth Rock became a symbol for New Englanders of that region's importance to the nation's history. In the 1850s abolitionists used the rock as a symbol of New England's opposition to slavery. In the late nineteenth century it was promoted as a symbol of the English roots of the American elite and their opposition to immigration. The rock, moved to a display in downtown Plymouth in 1774, was reinstalled on the shore under a protective canopy in 1880. In 1920 the Plymouth Antiquarian Society discovered a missing four-hundred-pound piece of the rock—being used as a doorstep. In 1983 the society offered a piece of its rock to the Smithsonian, and in 1984 officials traveled to Plymouth to accept the gift.
See also: Intriguing Objects
Return to the Legacies Home Page
Privacy | Terms of Use
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Tuesday, March 6, 2012
New research on Pikaia from Simon Conway Morris and Jean-Bernard Caron.
In Pikaia gracilens Walcott, a stem-group chordate from the Middle Cambrian of British Columbia, published online March 4, 2012, Simon Conway Morris and Jean-Bernard Caron confirmed that Pikaia was a chordate after all. They looked at the anatomy of 114 specimens of Pikaia (I thought there were only 16 known Pikaias!)and found myomeres, v-shaped blocks of skeletal tissue that are only found in chordates. The scientists also found evidence of a vascular system, and found that at least part of the alimentary canal was preserved in almost every specimen.
Externally, Pikaia was mostly just a flattened, tie-shaped body tapering from a tiny head. It had tentacles on its head, two antennae, and a thin dorsal fin.
What was first thought to be the notochord in Pikaia is now interpreted as a "dorsal organ," which was possibly hollow. This doesn't mean there's no notochord. Under this dorsal organ there is a thread of tissue that is now interpreted as the notochord and nerve chord.
I've only read the abstract, but when I read the actual article I'll learn more information.
1. That's the picture from the tour shirt!
2. I've been wondering about this, and you might know: Is it known if Pikaia's brain was wired up to its body contralaterally (left brain controls right body and vice versa) like in humans and other modern chordates? Or do the fossils not preserve neural material well enough to tell?
3. Here's a link to an article on blog which has the full details of the discovery if you have still not been able to access the researcher paper online:
4. Thank you. I do have the full paper now, but haven't had time to write more about it.
Research Methodology
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Ancient Models for Writing About Language Barriers
No barrier
Some great stories can come out of characters who can’t communicate with each other, but sometimes you just want your characters to get talking, even if realistically they shouldn’t have a language in common. Homer accomplishes this in the Iliad by just letting the Greeks and Trojans talk to each other and not worrying about what language they’re speaking. Here, for example, is how the Greek hero Diomedes and the Trojan Glaucus challenge each other on the battlefield:
Glaucus, the son of Hippolochus, and [Diomedes] the son of Tydeus
came together from both sides, eager for battle.
When they had drawn near each other,
noble Diomedes was the first to cry out:
“Now, who are you, boldest of mortals?
For I have not seen you before this in glorious battle,
but now you charge ahead of all others
with the courage to face my shadow-casting spear.”
The radiant son of Hippolochus replied:
“Great-hearted son of Tydeus, why do you ask for my lineage?
The generations of men are like leaves.
The wind shakes the leaves down to the ground, but the forest
blossoms anew when the spring comes again.
So the generations of men are born and pass away.”
– Homer, Iliad 6.119-25, 144-9
Communication without a common language
At the other end of the spectrum, Herodotus tells a story about how people can communicate and understand each other just fine with no language in common, in fact with no face-to-face interaction at all. Here’s a story about how Carthaginian merchants haggled with trade partners somewhere on the Atlantic coast of Africa:
The Carthaginians say there is a land and people lying on the coast of Africa beyond the Pillars of Heracles [Straits of Gibraltar]. Whenever they arrive there, they unload their cargo and lay it out on the beach, then hurry back to their ships and send up some smoke. The locals, seeing the smoke, come to the shore and set down gold in front of the wares, then go back to the land. The Carthaginians come back to check and if the gold seems like a fair price to them, they take it and depart. If not, they go back to their ships again and wait while the locals come and add more gold until all are satisfied. No one cheats: the Carthaginians do not lay a finger on the gold until it equals the value of their merchandise, nor do the locals touch the goods before the Carthaginians have accepted the gold.
– Herodotus, Histories 4.196
Overcoming a language barrier
Sometimes a language barrier can be overcome. Herodotus tells a story about how some Scythian men managed at first to communicate by actions and signs with some Amazon women who wandered into their territory and the women later learned the Scythian language:
The Scythians deliberated and decided that they should not try to kill the women but instead send some of their young men, as many as there seemed to be of women, to camp near them and do whatever the Amazons were doing. If the women came after them, they were not to fight but to flee, then return and camp near them again once the pursuit stopped. This is what the Scythians advised, hoping to get children by the women. The young men sent on this mission did just as they had been instructed.
When the Amazons figured out that the men meant them no harm, they left them alone. Each day, the two camps drew a little nearer to each other. The young men, like the Amazons, had only their horses and weapons and they lived as the women did, by hunting and plundering.
It was the habit of the Amazons to scatter at midday, roaming apart from each other in ones and twos for their ease. Noticing this, the Scythians began to do the same. One of them, wandering alone, came upon an Amazon and approached her. She did not push him away but welcomed his attention. Since they could not understand one another’s speech, she signaled to him with her hand that he should come again to the same spot on the next day and bring another man with him, and (confirming by her signs that there should be two) she would bring another woman. Having returned to his companions, the young man told them what had happened. The next day he came back to that same place with another man and found the Amazon with another woman waiting for them. When the rest of the young men learned about this, they likewise courted the rest of the women.
They joined their camps into one, with each man having as his wife the woman he had first paired off with. The men were not able to learn the women’s language, but the women picked up the men’s speech. When they could understand each other, the men said to the Amazons: “We have parents and property. Let us live no more like this but return to our people and their way of life. We will have you and no others as our wives.”
The Amazons replied: “We could not live with your women, for our ways are not like theirs. We are archers, spearwomen, and riders; we know nothing of women’s work. Your women do none of these things but stay in their wagons doing women’s work. None of them goes hunting. If you want to be fair men and have us for your wives, go to your parents and ask for your share of their property, then let us go off and live on our own.”
The men were persuaded and did just this.
– Herodotus, Histories 4.111-14
Poor language skills
Just because someone speaks a language doesn’t mean they speak it well. Here’s a passage from Apuleius’ The Golden Ass where a Latin-speaking soldier tries to requisition a donkey from a Greek-speaking peasant in fractured Greek. The whole thing is written in Latin, but the soldier’s poor Greek is represented by mangled Latin, translated here into similarly awkward English. (Note: this is narrated by the donkey.)
Some lunk, evidently a legionary by his dress and manner, met up with us on the road and began to arrogantly demand where he was leading that unladen donkey. My master, still distracted by grief and knowing very little Latin was passing on in silence. The soldier, unable to contain his insolence and taking this silence for insult knocked him right off my back with his vine-stick. The peasant then humbly replied that as he did not understand the words he could not know what the man had asked, so the soldier asked in Greek:
“Where you take that donkey?”
The peasant replied that he was heading to the nearby town.
“But his work I need,” said the soldier, “for from the next fort our commander’s baggages with other pack animals he must carry.”
– Apuleius, The Golden Ass 9.39
Sometimes, translating across a language barrier can go very very wrong. In Spanish, “La sopa está fria” means “The soup is cold,” but to an English speaker who knows hardly any Spanish, it might sound like “The soap is free.” The Roman playwright Plautus uses this same effect in his play Poenulus. Here, the Latin-speaking Agorastocles is trying to talk to the Punic-speaking Hanno, using his slave Milphio as a translator. Unfortunately, Milphio doesn’t actually speak Punic and is just making wild guesses about what Hanno is saying.
This is a very free translation, based on how the Punic lines sound to an English speaker. Hanno’s actual lines are translated in brackets.
HANNO: Muphursa. [Open up.]
AGORASTOCLES: What’s he saying?
HANNO: Miuulec hianna. [I beg to enter.]
AGROASTOCLES: What’s he doing here?
MILPHIO: Didn’t you hear? He’s brought furry mules for the arena.
HANNO: Lech lechana niliminiichto. [A traveler begs for accommodation.]
AGROASTOCLES: What’s he saying now?
MILPHIO: He has lots of milk to get rid of. He wants you to help him sell it.
AGORASTOCLES: I guess he’s a merchant.
HANNO: Assam. [We are unarmed.]
MILPHIO: He brought some tea.
HANNO: Palu mirga detha. [Without gear.]
MILPHIO: There’s a dead pilgrim, too.
AGORASTOCLES: What’s that to me?
MILPHIO: He just wants you to be aware, so you’re not alarmed when they bury him.
HANNO: Muffonim siccoratim. [In the name of the gods.]
MILPHIO: Be careful how you treat him, that’s what he’s asking.
AGORASTOCLES: He’s asking or he’s saying? Explain.
MILPHIO: He asks you to give him muffins and make him sick.
Plautus, Poenulus 5.50-65
Translations by Erik Jensen
Thoughts for writers
Sometimes, like the heroes of the Iliad, you just want your characters to get on with business and not worry about the problems of communication. Universal translators and babelfish to the rescue!
Other times, though, a lot of good storytelling can come out of the struggles to communicate across a language barrier. There are plenty of opportunities for both drama and comedy when people have trouble understanding one another. We tend to think of our modern world as being uniquely interconnected, but we are hardly the first people to live in a multilingual world. The literature of antiquity gives us some good models for how to think and write about the barriers between languages.
Image: Graffiti from Pompeii (CIL 4.1684) with Latin and Greek text, copy by Fer.filol via Wimimedia (Pompeii; graffiti)
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"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
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"fasttext_score": 0.0927092432975769,
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"url": "https://co-geeking.com/2016/07/18/ancient-models-for-writing-about-language-barriers/"
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No less than heat, water is necessary to living beings, for it constitutes the greater portion of their protoplasm and plays a part in almost all their internal changes. Also, all organisms are sensitive to variations of humidity in the space surrounding them, and with a great number this sensitiveness takes the form of a directive orientation which is called hydrotropism.
We know the famous experiments made by Stahl, in 1884, on the hydrotropism of the fungi of the genus 2Ethalium (tanning fungus). The plasmodial mass of these plants, during the vegetation period, enters the tan, making for the humidity necessary to it, and remounts to the surface in a dry milieu when it is going to form its spores which serve its multiplication. Its hydrotropism is positive. This is the case with the beetles of the genera Haliplus and Hydro-porus. Wheeler (1899) had taken from a pool a tuft of aquatic plants where these insects swarm. He says:
As soon as the beetles could come out and disengage themselves from the plant they turned, with a common accord, toward the sea and to it directed their steps. As this was a distance of about twenty feet, the little creatures could not see the water, and I was led to believe that they had some means of perceiving a source of moisture and acted accordingly.
Aquatic bugs act the same way when they are taken from the place in which they live, and we know that the land crabs go a long distance to water when they are ready to place their progeny. The proper degree of humidity differs, moreover, with different species. Wheeler reports that Bembidium, Elaphrus, Omophron, and other small Coleoptera which bury themselves in the sandy beaches, leave their burrows and come out into the open air when one throws a little water on their strand. This is negative hydrotropism. It is well known to collecting entomologists, who use it in making captures.
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"url": "http://bookdome.com/nature/Psychic-Life-Insects/Action-Of-Humidity-Hydrotropism.html"
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Friday, December 18, 2009
Appearance of the Moon
In the Confusion, two different observations of the Moon were reported. On page 24 (October 1689): “After a long series of wrestling bouts, .... The night was nearly moonless, with only the merest crescent creeping across the sky– ....” On page 188 (5 August 1690): “There was a half-moon that night, and as they drifted into the Gulf Jack watched it chasing the lost sun towards the western ocean, all aglow on its underside, ....”
The analysis of the first observation requires estimates of two different times. One of these is the elapsed time after sunset. The first bout happened soon after sunset, in that the galley slaves could still see light in the sky as they were walking to the banyolar, but the courtyard had to be illuminated so that the crowd of spectators could see the activities. The first bout lasted perhaps 20 to 30 minutes, what with the preliminary activities, the fighting itself, and the settling of bets afterward. If the “long series” included about eight bouts of about the same length, then the lunar observation took place about three to four hours after sunset. The “merest crescent” moon would have been waxing after New Moon, visible in the west to southwest after sunset. An equivalent waning crescent moon would be visible in the east to southeast before sunrise, or well after midnight.
The second time to be estimated is the 'age' of the new moon on the evening in question, or equivalently, the angle between moon and sun as viewed from earth. Unfortunately, the term “merest crescent” is poetic but imprecise. A rough table relating age, angle from sun, fraction of the apparent radius illuminated at the western limb, and time between sunset and moonset follows.
Age ``` Elongation ``` Illumination ``` Time in Sky
days ``` degrees ```````fraction ````````hours
1 ``````` 12 ``````````` 0.023 ````````` 0.8
2 ``````` 24 ``````````` 0.09 `````````` 1.6
3 ``````` 37 ``````````` 0.19 ``````````` 2.4
4 ``````` 49 ``````````` 0.31 ``````````` 3.3
I would say that a four-day-old moon is already a fairly “fat” crescent, but a three-day-old moon may qualify as “mere” if not “merest”. Unfortunately, it would probably already have set before the galley slaves reached the roof. There would be no real problem if the moon had been described as “setting”, rather than “creeping across the sky”.
Stephenson’s description of the “half-moon” is also poetic, and rather good. It would be about 90 degrees east of the sun, and could be seen until about midnight. At that time of year, the moon’s declination would be well south of the sun’s. As viewed from the latitude of the gulf of Cadiz, the illuminated half of the moon would be the lower right, rather than exactly “its underside”. The problem here is the exact date. The site offers tables of eclipses and lunar phases over a 6000 year period. In 1690, First Quarter actually happened on 11 August Gregorian [1 August Julian]. Throughout The Baroque Cycle, Stephenson uses Julian dates, as used in Great Britain during those years. On 5 August Julian, the moon would actually have been about midway between First Quarter and Full Moon, with about 3/4 of its face illuminated.
Sunday, December 6, 2009
Just How Heavy Were People?
PFC Gerald Hott, the dead butcher being stripped by Bobby Shaftoe (page 185 of Cryptonomicon), was described as “a big man, easily two-twenty-five in fighting trim, easily two-fifty now.” But when Enoch Root was weighing out meat to substitute for Hott’s body in the coffin (page 192), he had established that “the weight of Gerald Hott, converted into kilograms, is one hundred and thirty.” Unfortunately, 130 kilograms equal about 287 pounds. Thus, either Enoch Root and Bobby Shaftoe made quite different estimates of Hott’s weight, or else Neal Stephenson himself did not emulate Enoch Root, “who seems to be conversant with exotic systems of measurement [and] has made a calculation and checked it twice.”
When Günter Bischoff announced the birth weight of Günter Enoch Bobby Kivistik (page 1057 of Cryptonomicon), he almost certainly did not say, “Eight pounds, three ounces – superb for a wartime baby.” He would have used the metric units that he, Rudy von Hacklheber, and Otto Kivistik used every day. He would say, "3,714 grams", or "3.7 kilograms". I doubt that there was a scale anywhere in Norrsbruck (where the baby had been born), calibrated in English units, and who would have bothered to convert the weight? (Bobby Shaftoe would have wanted English units, but he had died without meeting Günter or Enoch in the Philippines.)
Uniform Trouser Cuffs
At Bobby Shaftoe’s burial (pages 1067,1068 of Cryptonomicon), Goto Dengo picks up some loose dirt, which “trickles out from between his fingers and trails down the legs of his crisp new United States Army uniform, getting caught in the trouser cuffs.” During my service with the U.S. Army in the 1950s (Korean War), most of our uniforms were identical to those used at the end of World War II. None of those uniform trousers had cuffs. This last farewell from Dengo to his old friend Bobby was moving, but what were the non-existent cuffs supposed to contribute to the scene?
Saturday, December 5, 2009
Where Can Venus Be?
1665 Sep 11```46.461 deg W
1666 Nov 29```47.473 deg E
1713 Aug 29```45.459 deg W
1714 Nov 16```47.473 deg E
Saturday, November 21, 2009
Golden Punched Cards
One of the outstanding examples of continuity, between Cryptonomicon and The Baroque Cycle, involved the set of thin, square pieces of gold. Each of them held 1024 binary digits of information, in the form of a 32 x 32 array of points at which holes could be punched or not punched. The process by which Daniel Waterhouse produced them in 1714 was described in The System of the World (pages 412-423), as well as their transfers to Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (pages 801-804) and to the Leibniz-Archiv (pages 873-875). Their subsequent appearances were all mentioned in Cryptonomicon. During World War II they were transferred successively to Rudolph von Hacklheber (hinted at on page 626), to Otto Kivistik’s ship Gertrude, and to the U-boat V-Million (both on page 1058). About 50 years later, thousands of them were recovered from the wreck of V-Million, by Douglas and America Shaftoe and their coworkers of Semper Marine Services (page 569), and transferred to Randy Waterhouse and his coworkers of Epiphyte (2) Corporation at Kinakuta (page 1074).
During the production process, the gold stock was carried on a leather "skid" between work stations, apparently to protect it from damage. The ultimate pieces were called variously foils, leaves, sheets, and cards, names which have connotations suggesting different thicknesses. These statements should raise the questions: What were the mechanical properties of these pieces? In particular, how massive and sturdy were they? They were asserted to be made of "Solomonic gold". In the absence of detailed information about the properties of such material, let us assume that the specific gravity was 19.3, the same as normal pure gold.
The only dimensions given in The System of the World were the thickness, as "thinner than a fingernail", and the edge length, as "about a hand-span" (pages 412, 413). In Cryptonomicon, the dimensions were in mixed units: "maybe eight inches on a side and about a quarter of a millimeter thick, with a pattern of tiny neat holes punched through it, like a computer card" (page 569). Thus each had a volume of about ten cubic centimeters and a mass of about 200 grams. They were indeed heavy and valuable. Each contained enough gold to make more than two dozen gold guinea coins of Queen Anne (see Wikipedia). At $400 per troy ounce ($12.86 per gram), as was current in Cryptonomicon (page 655), they provided long-term data storage at about $20 per byte.
These overall dimensions allow an estimate of other dimensions of the cards. The maximum spacing of the grid lines for the holes would be 6 millimeters, leaving about 8 millimeters between the outer grid lines and the edges. The holes could be 2 millimeters in diameter, thereby looking small, if not "tiny", relative to the spacing between them. This diameter is indeed rather small, because the sensing rods in the ultimate mechanical "Logic Mill" would have to be even smaller in diameter, to ensure free passage despite possible misalignment. The rods could almost be called 'needles'. On the other hand, if the holes were much larger in diameter, they might seriously weaken the cards.
For diameter 2 millimeters, each "bit" of gold punched from a card would have a volume of about 0.8 cubic millimeters and a mass of about 15 milligrams. That would be easy enough to weigh on a balance scale of the day, but another factor should be considered, in using total weight to count the bits (page 423 of The System of the World). The problem arises because Stephenson does not state, specifically enough, how many bits were to be weighed at once. If the bits from only a single row were weighed, the problem does not arise, because the bits would almost certainly have been the same mass within a few percent. However, if all the bits from an entire card were weighed together, there might be hundreds of them. It is not clear that the technology of 1714 could have guaranteed that all bits had the same mass within a fraction of a percent. Let us start by estimating how many how many holes might have been in an average card.
The information punched into the cards resembled random prime numbers (page 711 of the Confusion). One row of 32 binary digits can hold any integer between 0 and 4,294,967,295. From the leading term of the prime-number theorem, that range includes about 190 million primes. It seems unlikely that Daniel Waterhouse had assembled that many logical concepts, during his years in North America.
An alternative approach is to consider the number of cards in the set. There were "thousands" of cards, which were in five crates when transferred from Gertrude to V-Million. If we assume 1000 cards per crate, each crate would contain 200 kilograms of gold, for a total of one tonne. For a very small crew in Gertrude, that might have taken "a whole day to load in." Either they had to empty and refill each crate, carrying the cards in small batches, or they had to work slowly and carefully, so as not to drop a full crate through Gertrude's bottom.
These 5000 cards could hold 160,000 prime numbers. This seems rather on the small side for Daniel Waterhouse’s years of work. If those primes had few duplications or omissions, the largest must be about 1.9 million, from the leading term of the other form of the prime-number theorem. It would take 21 binary digits to express these largest primes, and the average number of significant binary digits over this entire set of primes is more than 19. These significant binary digits would average about half ones and half zeros, so that a typical card should yield about 300 bits.
Note that doubling the number of cards would double the amount of physical work for anyone who ever had any contact with the cards. However, it would increase the maximum and average numbers of binary digits by only about one. The only way to use all 32 binary digits would be to change the nature of the information they were recording. Either they were not prime numbers, or else Daniel Waterhouse skipped over many more primes than he included.
The bits could have different masses for two reasons: the 32 punches in the machine at Bridewell could have different effective diameters; and different cards could have different thicknesses. The difference in diameters might tend to average out for different patterns of holes across a row, but a thin (thick) card would consistently seem to have fewer (more) freed bits by weight than by actual count. For simple weighing to be correct, the card thickness (about 250 microns) would need to be reproducible to better than 0.8 micron. The hand-cranked rolling mill in the "Court of Technologikal Arts" (described on page 412 of The System of the World) demanded discussion about its usage, even without this concern about the consistency of its output. It may not be enough that Daniel Waterhouse claimed "perfectly uniform thickness" (page 424).
It is extremely unlikely that a single pass through any mill could reduce the thickness and increase the area of the original plate by as factor of about 12 (from an eighth of an inch to a quarter of a millimeter). If the mill could be made to feed at all, it would probably just tear pieces off the leading edge. Even a modern rolling mill, working hot metal, typically reduces thickness by perhaps ten percent at a pass, so that many passes would be required. For the total reduction wanted for this gold, 16 passes would each be -15 %, 20 passes would each be -12%, or 24 passes would each be -10%.
I consider multiples of 4 so that the stock could be rotated 90 degrees between each pass, thereby keeping the stock roughly square, if it started that way. A rolling mill mainly increases the length of the material, with much less effect on the width. If Daniel Waterhouse’s original "squarish plate" was 16 inches x 18 inches (one third of a full plate from Minerva) (see below), it would end up about 57 inches by 64 inches. If the rollers weren’t long enough to handle this size, some of the crosswise passes through the mill would have to be replaced by extra lengthwise passes. The frame of the skid to carry the rolled gold would indeed be "the size of a dining table" (page 412).
Yet another complication is that this cold-rolling would work-harden the gold. It would have to be annealed rather often, perhaps after every two passes, in order to restore its ductility. Eventually this would involve a rather large oven. At any rate, rolling out the gold would require resetting the rollers of the mill many times over several days.
Achieving the desired accuracy for the final pass through the mill has two separate phases. First of all, the cylindrical surface of each brass roller would need to be made with radial run-out of a fraction of a micron, over its entire length and circumference. Otherwise, the sheet of gold could not possibly come out with the same thickness throughout its entire area. This is hard to believe for the technology of 1714. However, if that could be done, it might thereafter be possible to reset the final spacing between rollers accurately enough. The rollers could be closed down on a feeler gauge, until a specified force (measured with a spring balance) was needed to pull it out. That measurement should be repeated at many points on the rollers, to verify that the small run-out has been maintained. The final resetting of the rollers might take more time than the actual rolling of the last pass.
Note that the use of feeler gauges would make setting the intermediate spacings rather easy, even without knowing the exact thickness of any gauge. For example, to achieve a reduction of thickness by 20%, one need only require that a stack or four identical thicker gauges had the same total height as a stack of five identical thinner gauges. Those intermediate passes need not be set so carefully as the final pass.
This emphasis on uniformly reproducible thickness may be overkill for counting bits by weighing. However, it would help insure that the mechanical Logic Mill could shift its cards around without jamming. Even an "Electrical Till Corporation" card reader demanded cards of uniform thickness. The area of each golden card was easier to control by the technology of 1714, than was its thickness. The fence on the "shearing-machine" that cut the cards could possibly be reset to an accuracy of 0.1 millimeter (one part in 2000 of the edge length), so that every card had the same area, to one part in 1000. However, the jaws of the shear would have to be quite rigid, in order to control distortion over their length of several feet. The average thickness of an unpunched card would be proportional to its mass, to sufficient accuracy. Thus one needed only to compare the total mass of the bits to the initial mass of the particular card from which they came.
The mass of the cards was also involved in their packaging. The inner container resembled "... a hat-box, about a foot in diameter and half that in height" (page 801), so that each had a typical volume of about 11 liters. They were said to "... float, at least for a little while" (page 802), so that the contents could not exceed 11 kilograms. One must allow several kilograms for the wood shavings, so that perhaps only 8 kilograms of gold could be put in each box. Those 40 cards would be a stack only 1 centimeter thick, easy to be "all wrapped in paper". The outer barrels were rather small, with each holding only six hat-boxes. Something as mundane as salt cod, the intended disguise for this gold (page 804), might be shipped in larger barrels. Note that the 5000 cards we have assumed, needed only 125 hat-boxes and 21 barrels.
Pieces of almost any metal, rolled or beaten to this thickness, can be mutilated rather easily bare-handed. Because this gold is so heavy, one should ask whether it can be handled at all, or whether it 'mutilates itself' under its own weight. We could pose almost any simple problem involving one of these cards as a beam, and calculate the resultant deflection.
The minimum model calculation requires equilibrium at each point along the beam, between the external torque applied by loads and reactions, and the internal torque across a section of the beam, due to elastic stresses arising from the curvature of the beam. At the inside of the curve, the material has been shortened from its free length, and there is a compressive stress in it. At the outside of the curve, the material has been extended, and there is a tensile stress in it. Again we will admit ignorance of the mechanical properties of "Solomonic gold", and assume the value 79 giga-pascal for Young’s modulus, the same as for normal pure gold.
As a particular simple beam problem, let us consider placing one of the cards across a smooth horizontal rod. The center of the card face would be touching the rod, and the edges of the card would be parallel and perpendicular to the rod. (This problem is mathematically identical to that of cantilevering half the length of the card out of a horizontal clamp.) The effect of punched-out holes upon the response of the beam would depend upon the pattern of the punching, so we will consider only an unpunched card.
The solution for this problem (to be verified by the interested reader) is that the free edge of the card would be 6 millimeters below the support, and the slope of the card there would be -0.08. That value for the slope is small enough to validate the linear approximation used, i.e., that the horizontal position of any point in the card is indistinguishable from the distance measured along the curve of the card. It also means that overall tension in the card can be ignored as helping to hold it up.
It is possible to model the 'feel' of one of these cards, by using some different material cut to the same edge length. The expression for the deformation of the card incorporates the information about the material in the combination: Young’s modulus x square of thickness / mass density. I found that an 8 inch square of cardboard, cut from a file folder labeled "11 pt stock", behaves rather similarly to the golden square calculated above, each under only its own weight. It is obvious that the cardboard has an initial 'set' and a 'grain'. The deflection depends upon which side is up, and which edges are parallel to the rod. It averages about 4 millimeters, so that this cardboard acts somewhat stiffer than the gold.
This square of cardboard can then be handled in various ways, and should assume about the same deformed shape that one of the golden squares would. Of course, the mass to be held up is only a few grams, rather than 200 grams. The square can be picked up between the fingertips of both hands, at opposite edges. (You can’t do that with a piece of paper that size.) It can be held by one hand in many different positions, without bending appreciably. It seems appropriate to call one of these golden squares a 'card'; it acts like a card. (It also happens to be close to the thickness of an IBM card. A dial caliper showed my last remaining IBM card to be 1/5 millimeter thick [0.oo8 inch].)
An obviously dangerous maneuver is to try to hold the cardboard square approximately horizontal, by grasping a single corner between thumb and forefinger. It can be made to assume a curve with radius as small as about one centimeter, next to the fingers, but it flattens out again when released.
For a very ductile material like gold, the yield point is apparently poorly defined, or at least, hard to find online. Wikipedia does give an "ultimate strength" of 100 mega-pascal, which would occur at a strain of about 1/8 percent. For the thickness of 1/4 millimeter, this would be a radius of curvature of about 10 centimeters. A gold card, bent to a radius of one centimeter like the cardboard, would almost certainly be permanently deformed in this maneuver.
Several other points about these golden cards were suggested by the description of the arrival of Tsar Peter "the Great", accompanied by Solomon Kohan (pages 601, 602 of The System of the World.) One of these was that assay samples had been cut from corners of the cards of the original (incomplete) set, which had been sent to Leibniz at the Tsar’s court.
An important omission from the functionality of the cards was an orientation marker. These square cards, with a square pattern of hole locations, have eight-fold symmetry, but only one proper way to be inserted into the Logic Mill. Of course, it would be possible to determine the orientation by a close inspection of each card. The punches probably raised burrs on the backside of the card, which could be seen or felt. If the data indeed had the many place-holding zeros as mentioned above, it would be obvious which way to read across the rows.
In comparison, Hollerith/IBM cards are rectangles, which offer four-fold symmetry. The proper orientation for them is indicated by a cut-off corner. (I have never seen ETC cards, but I assume that they were rather similar.) The same sort of asymmetric corner cut would similarly show at a glance that golden cards in a stack were all oriented correctly. A related problem would be to show that the golden cards were in the proper order.
The other problem is most charitably treated as a typographic error. One of the golden plates, from which Daniel Waterhouse produced the cards, had just been carried out of Minerva by a barefoot seaman, as a burlap-wrapped bundle. "The package was perhaps a foot and a half wide, four long, and an inch thick." The last dimension should read "..., and an eighth of an inch thick." Even Isaac Newton had learned that the Solomonic gold entered England as hand-hammered sheets of that thickness (page 145 of The System of the World). The difficulty is obvious: a full inch thickness of gold with that area would have a mass of about 270 kilograms. That would be about double the mass of Peter "the Great", but with his great strength he might have been able to handle it. However, it would be about four times the mass of the barefoot seaman, and beyond his capabilities. One eighth of that mass could be a one-hand load for Peter, or a two-hand load for the seaman.
This eighth-inch plate of gold offers another example for beam problems, to determine how sturdy it was. However, a far more interesting question concerns the nail holes in it. They must have been there, although not mentioned at this point in the story. This plate, and its mates, had been the sheathing on the hull of Minerva (page 796 of the Confusion). To hold such a plate in place, against its weight, the drag of the water, and the working of the hull planks as the ship pitched and rolled, would require at least dozens of nails. As a piece of such a plate was passed through the rolling mill, did its nail holes tend to disappear, or did they tend to become larger?
Personally, I feel that both Leibniz and Daniel Waterhouse showed some conceit when they argued for using gold as the storage medium (page 711 of the Confusion and page 424 of The System of the World). Indeed gold is ductile and does not tarnish, but the information is in the holes, not on the surface. Pure silver and copper are also rather ductile, and 1/4 millimeter is probably not too thin to roll out those metals. Silver may turn black and copper may turn green, but either of them would preserve the information of the holes for many decades, or even centuries.
In fact, the information of the holes was effectively lost in less than three centuries. Daniel Waterhouse had spent years writing out paper cards, each with a number in binary notation along one edge, which represented the information on the card in other formats. That number was what Miss Spates, or other operators, punched into a golden card. Those paper cards were surely included as part of the paperwork, which accompanied a set of golden cards into their hat-box. That paperwork did not survive, becoming lost either during transfers or in the sinking of V-Million.
Wednesday, November 18, 2009
Sewer-Pipe RAM
A continuing topic in Cryptonomicon is the role of Lawrence P. Waterhouse as one of the independent inventors of the digital computer, during the 1940s. The fullest description of his version of a digital computer appears on pages 744-747. The following are some of the important assertions about its operation.
“Each pipe is four inches in diameter and thirty-two feet long. There must be a hundred of them, ...” “Stuck into one end of each pipe is a little paper speaker ripped from an old radio.” “The speaker plays a signal–a note–that resonates in the pipe and creates a standing wave.” “That means that in some parts of the pipe, the air pressure is low, and in other parts it is high.” “These U-tubes are full of mercury.” “... several U-shaped glass tubes ... are plumbed into the bottom of the long pipe.” “I put an electrical contact into each U-tube–just a couple of wires separated by an air gap. If those wires are high and dry (like because high air pressure in the organ pipe is shoving the mercury down away from them), no current flows. But if they are immersed in the mercury (because low air pressure in the organ pipe is sucking the mercury up to cover them), then current flows between them, because mercury conducts electricity! So the U-tubes produce a set of binary digits that is like a picture of the standing wave–a graph of the harmonics that make up the musical note that is being played on the speaker.” “... all of those pipes come alive playing variations on the same low C.” “The crescents of mercury in all those U-tubes are shifting up and down, opening and closing the contacts, but systematically: ...”
This system has enough problems with physics, that there are several possible orderings for the things to be considered. Let us arbitrarily start with things which are stated to be seen, followed by things which are stated to be heard, to determine whether they are reasonable. We end with things which cannot be seen, but which are the actual behavior.
Each U-tube is a manometer, which responds to the difference between the air pressures applied to the two arms. In every case, one arm is open to the ambient air of the room, which can be taken as having the same pressure at all points. The manometer is itself rather symmetric, and its response can also be described symmetrically. The higher pressure in one arm acts so as to displace the mercury toward the arm with lower pressure. If the open bore of the tube is uniform along its length, which is the simplest way to do the glass-working, then the mercury level changes by the same distance in the two arms, down in one and up in the other. It is perfectly good English, even if not perfectly good physics, to speak of “sucking”. Whether in a soda straw or in a U-tube, it is actually the larger ambient pressure which makes the fluid rise.
It is admittedly nitpicking to point out that the U-tubes are only partially full of mercury. There has to be air space in both arms of each tube, so that mercury can move without spilling out the end of the tube. That air space also allows for the electrical contacts. Stephenson’s description of the motion of the mercury emphasizes the tube arm connected to the pipe, and the contacts there which are activated. He seems to overlook the simultaneous motion in both arms, which could be called 'seesawing'.
It might be useful to put another pair of contacts in the room-air arm of each tube, to provide an unambiguous signal for high pressure. As it stands, the contacts in the pipe-air arm cannot distinguish between the conditions of high pressure and of zero pressure difference there. Both conditions would leave that circuit open.
The motion of the mercury, as described by Stephenson, can be followed by the human eye. It occurs on a time scale of seconds, in response to changes in the audio signals, which can be heard simultaneously by the human ear. This implies that the changes in pressure being detected are quasi-static. The pressure has a constant value for a while, then changes to another value, etc. Unfortunately, a simple manometer will not respond in the manner described, even to quasi-static changes in pressure, because it is itself an oscillatory system. This was recognized in Quicksilver (page 107), when Daniel Waterhouse was visiting Gresham’s College, home of the Royal Society. Among many other things, he saw “A U-shaped glass tube that Boyle had filled with quicksilver to prove that its undulations were akin to those of a pendulum.”
The frequency of oscillation for an idealized manometer depends upon only one adjustable parameter. The open cross-sectional area of the tube is assumed to be uniform along its length, and the arms of the U-tube to be vertical. The length of tube filled with mercury (measured along the centerline) is L. Then the frequency of oscillation is exactly the same as that of a small-angle simple pendulum of length L/2, in the same gravitational field. The density of the fluid and the area of the tube drop out. The factor 2 arises because the restoring force, at an instant when the mercury has been displaced along the tube by x, is the weight of a column of mercury of height 2x. Reasonable values for L might be 10 or 20 centimeters, so that the natural frequency would be about 2 or 1.5 hertz.
Consider a manometer initially in equilibrium. This can be either with equal pressures in the two arms, or with unequal pressures. The manometer itself reveals, by its levels of mercury, the difference in pressures. (Note that the most sensible units to express the pressures are mm-Hg or cm-Hg.) If the pressure in one arm is suddenly changed, the mercury in the manometer cannot instantaneously shift to the new equilibrium position. The system is effectively an oscillator which has just been released from rest, at some displacement from its new equilibrium position. It would then oscillate about that new equilibrium position, for a considerable length of time. Dissipation must be introduced into the manometer, in order to damp the oscillation before the next change in pressure.
The dissipation could be provided by a constriction of the open area of the tube near the bottom of the U, or by a porous plug filling the tube there. In either case, the viscosity of the mercury moving past the structure results in a damping force on the mercury, which is proportional to and opposing the velocity of the ends of the mercury column. The proportionality constant is effectively a 'mechanical resistance'.
If the manometer is under-damped, its motion is oscillatory at a somewhat decreased frequency, with an amplitude that decays exponentially. The decay constant is proportional to the mechanical resistance. The system exhibits mechanical 'ringing', exactly analogous to the electronic ringing in computer circuits, which Stephenson discusses on pages 436 ff in Cryptonomicon. A graph of the position of a mercury surface (versus time) would somewhat resemble the graph of electronic ringing on page 437. (The interested reader is invited to discover any problems in the details of that graph.) The ringing might cause the contacts to be closed and opened several times for a single change of pressure.
This can be avoided by increasing the mechanical resistance until the condition of critical damping is achieved. Then there is no oscillation at all, and the constant of the exponential decay is equal to the angular frequency of the undamped oscillator. This is the condition under which the system reaches equilibrium in the minimum time, after a displacement. For example, after a time equal to one period of the undamped oscillator (1/2 or 2/3 second), a displacement from the new equilibrium position would decay away to about 0.014 of its initial value. That behavior should open or close the contacts cleanly.
Thus, we have found a way to have mercury levels “shifting up and down”. The U-tubes are critically damped, and are responding to quasi-static pressure changes.
Unfortunately, resonant pipes, as described here, cannot sustain a quasi-static pressure different from the ambient pressure. Stephenson never actually says whether the ends of the pipes are open or closed. However, open ends are suggested by the statement about a small speaker stuck into one end, and by the frightfulness of the sound escaping when the computer is operating. If the pipes were closed at both ends, they could indeed support a difference between interior and ambient air pressures. However, that internal pressure would be the same at every point along a pipe. Moreover, there is no mention of a method to change the interior pressure of a pipe quasi-statically. At the very least, it would require large nearby reservoirs of high-pressure air and of near-vacuum, which could be joined to the pipe by large valves. Of course, this is completely ridiculous here, but Daniel Waterhouse’s card-punching machine at Bridewell in 1714 worked in a similar manner, including a mercury manometer to monitor the pressure in the reservoir (pages 420 ff of The System of the World).
Let us finally consider the sound in the pipes as the source of the pressure on the manometers. The terminology used to describe the audio signals supplied to the pipes by the speakers is sufficiently confused, that it is impossible even to determine how much information can be stored in one pipe at a given instant. It seems to be more than one binary digit, which could be indicated by sound being simply off or on. The first mention of “note”as something “... that resonates in the pipe, and creates a standing wave”, implies that a single frequency of oscillation is involved. A standing wave is composed of two identical sinusoidal waves traveling in opposite directions, added together. It is called “standing”, because its characteristic features do not move. Those are the nodes, where the amplitude of the oscillating quantity (here the sound pressure) is zero, and the intervening anti-nodes, where that amplitude is maximum. Resonance is achieved by selecting the frequency so that nodes occur at the effective ends of the pipe. The fundamental mode has a single anti-node at the mid-point of the length of the pipe. The harmonic modes have successively 2, 3, 4, etc. anti-nodes between the effective ends of the pipe.
On the other hand, the later statement about “... the harmonics that make up the musical note ...”, implies that several frequencies are involved in the pipe simultaneously. The same situation is also implied by the statement about “... playing variations on the same low C”. Confusion is especially likely here, because the word “variations” is standardly applied to a musical theme or tune, rather than to a single note. However, if one changes the mix of harmonics which accompany the fundamental, the resultant sound is different. This is, in fact, one of the ways in which one can identify the instrument which is making the sound.
The formal mathematical description (wave function) of a true standing wave is the product of two factors. One factor depends only on time, and is typically sinusoidal at the frequency of the wave, with either constant or exponentially decreasing amplitude. The other factor depends only on position, and is also typically sinusoidal. The zeros are the nodes of the wave, and the maxima and minima are the anti-nodes. This factor contains the information about the relative amplitude and phase of the oscillating quantity along the length of the wave medium. For a superposition of standing waves, the total wave function cannot be factored, so that the condition should not be called a standing wave.
Stephenson’s major misconception here was confusing the space factor for a standing sound wave, with the pressure itself. The space factor is only a mathematical construction, and can be changed quasi-statically. The pressure at any point (other than exactly at the nodes), must oscillate as described by the time factor. In particular, the only difference between a maximum and a minimum in the space factor, is in the phase of the pressure oscillations at those points. It is quite inappropriate to say that the pressure is “high” at one and “low” at the other.
The assertion that the fundamental mode is always present, means that it carries no usable information whatever. Its only function seems to be the frightfulness of the sound itself. If one harmonic mode at a time was produced in each pipe, the sound might best described as “a cacophony of bugle calls.” (The notes standardly produced by a bugle are harmonics 2 through 6 of the fundamental, which is typically not excited.) We have already seen that Lawrence P. Waterhouse could produce bugle calls in an enclosed staircase at the train station on Inner Qwghlm (page 284 of Cryptonomicon). If several harmonic modes are produced simultaneously in each pipe, it might be possible to store more than one bit (binary digit) per pipe. Note, however, that the value zero for any particular bit must be clearly distinguishable from the value zero for any other bit.
The remaining question about audible qualities is how the note fits into the musical scale. If the ambient temperature was about 25 degrees Celsius (77 degrees Fahrenheit), the speed of sound in dry air would be 346.1 meter/second. The effective length of a pipe, including the end correction at both open ends, was 32.2 feet. The wavelength of the fundamental would be twice as long, or 19.63 meters. The fundamental frequency would be 17.63 hertz, and all integer multiples of it would appear as harmonics. If we consider modern orchestral tuning, with A at 440 hertz, then this fundamental was definitely C-sharp, not C (16.35 hertz). There is no obvious physical reason why Waterhouse chose this particular length of pipe. Any shorter length of pipe would have worked as well (or as poorly), except for the perceived frightfulness of notes in this frequency range.
At long last, we are ready to consider the actual response of a manometer to the sound in one of the pipes. The fundamental frequency of the sound is about 10 times the natural frequency of the manometer, and any harmonic frequency is some integer multiple larger than that. Thus we have the generic problem of a mechanical oscillator driven by an oscillatory applied force, at a frequency much larger than its natural frequency. A further simplification can be achieved by assuming that the damping of the manometer is much less than critical damping, which would make the response as large as possible.
The response of such a system always has the form of an oscillation at the frequency of the applied force, with an amplitude and phase which depend upon the applied frequency. Let us specify the amplitude of the sound pressure oscillation by the height H of a mercury column which would produce the equivalent static pressure. Then the amplitude of the oscillating displacement of the mercury surfaces in the manometer is given approximately by H divided by twice the square of the ratio of applied frequency to natural frequency. Thus the useless fundamental frequency would produce an amplitude of about H/200, the possibly useful harmonic of order 2 (the octave) would produce an amplitude of about H/800, etc.
As a ridiculously large estimate of the sound pressure, let us assume that the sound level inside the pipe at one of the U-tubes was 160 decibels absolute. This is ridiculous, because 3-inch diameter paper speakers, from 1940's era AM radios or 78 RPM record players, were very poor transducers at low frequencies. They were certainly not woofers, as used for FM radios and LP record players of later eras. That 160 decibels above the reference level of 20 micro-pascal would be a sound-pressure amplitude of about 2 kilo-pascal, or about 15 mm-Hg. This would produce an oscillation of the mercury with amplitude 0.02 millimeter or less, which is too small to see with the unaided eye. It is also too small to make a reliable contact with wires which had been pushed into the manometer tube by hand. Thus Lawrence P. Waterhouse could not have gotten useful information out of his “sewer pipe RAM”, in the manner described by Stephenson.
Another point which can be mentioned is the phase of the oscillation of the mercury in the manometer. I still find it amusing, because it is initially counter-intuitive. The displacement of a mechanical oscillator, driven at a frequency much larger than its natural frequency, is almost exactly opposite in phase to the applied force. Thus, at the instant when the pressure in the pipe-arm of the U-tube is greatest, the mercury in that arm is at, or close to, its highest point. This is exactly the opposite of Stephenson’s description, which would apply only to (non-existent) quasi-static pressure changes.
To be complete, I must acknowledge one quite accurate piece of historic science reporting, which Stephenson supplied. On page 744 of Cryptonomicon appears: “Pea-sized drops of mercury are scattered around the floor like ball bearings. The flat soles of Comstock’s shoes explode them into bursts rolling in all directions.” I was familiar with five different educational institutions, which were active before, during, and after World War II. One feature they had in common, was mercury in the cracks in the floors of lecture rooms and laboratories, used for introductory courses in physics or chemistry. It came with the territory. Mercury was always being spilled, and the cleanup was always casual. The instructors knew that mercury was dangerous, but they didn’t worry about it. They wouldn’t drink it, or boil it openly, but almost any other manipulation was OK. Military personnel would have been even more casual than educators, because they would not have been concerned about how to pay to replace the spillage.
Tuesday, November 10, 2009
Rockets and Angles
In the attack by Jack “the Coiner” Shaftoe on the Tower of London, on 23 April 1714, his accomplices used several rockets (pages 239 ff of The System of the World). One dismantled rocket was carried to the top of The [Fire] Monument by Jack’s sons. On page 241, its head was described as “... a great long helmet-shaped object ...”, and the guide stick was camouflaged as a pilgrim staff. On page 248, the preparation for firing was described as “... they had lashed the pilgrim-staff to the rocket-head, and leaned it against the railing, aimed in the general direction of St. Mary-at-Hill.”
Another rocket was delivered preassembled to All Hallows Church (page 247). “He diverted his glass a few arc-seconds down into the adjoining churchyard, where the funeral had taken a macabre turn; the lid of the coffin had been tossed aside to reveal a helmet-shaped object with a long stick projecting from its base.”
They seemed to be remarkably reliable and accurate (pages 282-284). None of them missed fire, and the rockets from The Monument and All Hallows Church both passed directly over their intended targets. The first two rockets from the barge on the Thames went short or wide, but the third hit directly on the roof of the White Tower. (That was the only launch site that had spares.)
One ought to wonder where Jack obtained these rockets. Rockets had been used in both Asia and Europe by that time, as display fireworks and as weapons. However, according to my Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1714 fell in the middle of a 100-year period of only sporadic use of rockets in wars. Most rockets of that time had heads made of organic materials (e.g. paper, cloth, or wood), which could not withstand high internal pressure. The descriptions by Stephenson unfortunately do not mention the material, which might help identify the source.
The first thoroughly developed rockets were probably those of William Congreve, but they came later. (See Wikipedia.) They were based on the iron-headed rockets which had been used against the British in the Mysore wars (1792 and 1799). Congreve rockets were first employed against the French in 1806, and notably in the War of 1812. The U.S. National Anthem mentions “the rockets’ red glare” over Fort McHenry, near Baltimore, in 1814. Those were Congreve rockets, and their shape roughly matched Stephenson’s description. If only Jack’s rockets had been Congreve rockets, this would have afforded another example of the continuity which is a notable feature of these four novels. As Lawrence P. Waterhouse was playing the glockenspiel part of the National Anthem on the deck of USS Nevada at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941 (Cryptonomicon, page 77), he took advantage of the fact that “... The Star Spangled Banner is much easier to ding than to sing.”
However, Congreve rockets were rather inaccurate. Even launched from a standard frame, they could start off at a wide angle from the intended direction. They could also change direction in mid-flight. This erratic behavior actually increased their effectiveness as weapons of terror against exposed enemy forces. Congreve advised that they should be launched in volleys of 20 to 50. Surely the rockets of a century earlier were even more erratic than that.
Stephenson seems to be enamored of the arc-second as a unit of angle. To find the actual angle through which Jack depressed his spyglass in shifting from the roof of All Hallows Church to the adjacent graveyard, we need to estimate some lengths. The four stated distances along a somewhat zig-zag line from The Monument to All Hallows add up to about 1600 feet. However, from my only map of London with a scale (Baedecker’s), that direct distance seems to be about 1200 feet. I can only guess the roof of that church to have been about 40 feet high. Thus the vertical angle as seen from The Monument was about 1/30 radian, or roughly seven thousand arc-seconds, or two degrees. The mere tremor in Jack’s arms, due to his pulse-beat, surely deflected the spyglass through an angle larger than “a few arc-seconds”.
Sunday, November 8, 2009
Oscillations of Shoes and Barges
One specific example of the practice of Natural Philosophy, or the scientific method, appeared in Eliza’s journal of her trip across the boundary between eastern France and the western parts of Germany. In the entry of 20 August 1688 (pages 830, 831 of Quicksilver), she described her situation and immediate objective. "For several days we have been working our languid way up the Marne." "This vessel is what they call a chaland, a long, narrow, cheaply made box with but a single square sail ..." "... there is nothing for a spy to look for, except, perhaps, certain military stocks." "... certain items, such as gunpowder, and especially lead, might be shipped up the river from arsenals in the vicinity of Paris." "So I peer at the chalands making their way upriver and wonder what is stored down in their holds. To outward appearances they are all carrying the same sort of cargo as the chaland of M. LeBrun, viz., salted fish, salt, wine, apples, and other goods ...."
In the entry of 25 August 1688 (pages 831, 832), she described her thoughts and experimental observations. "... was there any outward sign by which I could distinguish a chaland loaded as M. LeBrun’s is, and one that had a few tons of musket-balls in the bilge with empty barrels above ...?" "Even from a distance it is possible to observe the sideways rocking of one of these chalands by watching the top of its mast– ..." "I borrowed a pair of wooden shoes from M. LeBrun and set both of them afloat .... Into one of these I placed an iron bar, which rested directly upon the sole of the shoe. Into the other, I placed an equal weight of salt, ... Though the weights of the shoes’ cargoes were equal, the distributions of those weights were not, for the salt was evenly distributed through the whole volume of the shoe, whereas the iron bar was concentrated in its ‘bilge.’ When I set the two shoes to rocking, I could easily observe that the one laden with iron rocked with a slower, more ponderous motion, because all of its weight was far from the axis of the movement." "... I timed one hundred rockings of the chaland I was on, and then I began to make the same observation of the other chalands on the river. ... I noticed one or two that rocked very slowly. ..., the first one turned out to be laden with quarried stones."
The method appears to be excellent, with steps of modeling, theoretical explanation, and observation. Unfortunately, the real world doesn’t match any of the steps as described.
Rather weirdly, I happen to own a pair of wooden shoes. Mine are of Dutch design, rather than French, but perhaps that is irrelevant. Each shoe weighs 14 ounces, and 2 pounds of rock salt filled one, to a depth of about 1 1/2 inch and an interior width of about 3 inches.. The other held 2 pounds of steel, cut from flat stock. The stack of pieces was 5/8 inch deep and 1 1/2 inch wide. Those heavy loads left only about 1/4 inch of 'freeboard', when the shoes were floated, so that the angular amplitude had to be small. I didn't have a stopwatch, and the shoes tended to drift against the edge of the basin, thereby quickly damping the motion. However, the shoe loaded with steel rocked at more than twice the frequency of the one loaded with salt. This is exactly the opposite of Eliza's report!
The theoretical explanation as given by Stephenson is grossly oversimplified. It matches too closely the simple pendulum, in which a point mass supplies the inertia, and a restoring force is supplied by the combination of its weight and the tension in the supporting string. For a simple pendulum, a longer pendulum does indeed oscillate with a longer period.
Here the shoe or the barge is rotating, and must be considered as a special case of a 'physical pendulum'. In this situation, the inertial factor is the 'moment of inertia', which must be taken about the appropriate axis. The moment of inertia can also be expressed as mass x ('radius of gyration') squared. The radius of gyration is the root-mean-square distance of the mass from that appropriate axis. For a true physical pendulum, that axis passes through the fixed point of suspension. For a floating object, that axis passes through the center of mass, which effectively does not move as the object rotates. (Any acceleration of the center of mass would involve hydrodynamic forces, whereas this analysis is limited to hydrostatic forces.)
For a true physical pendulum, the restoring action is the torque about the suspension point, due to the weight of the body, acting at its center of mass (or 'center of gravity'). For a floating object, the torque is supplied by the pressure of the surrounding water. The effect is always in the form of an upward buoyant force, equal to the weight of the displaced water, acting at the centroid of the volume of the displaced water (the 'center of buoyancy'). Perhaps Stephenson considered that "the axis of the movement" passes through the center of buoyancy, but that is not a fixed point.
For an object floating at rest, the weight and the buoyant force must act along the same vertical line, or equivalently, the center of gravity and the center of buoyancy are both on that same vertical line. If the center of buoyancy is above the center of gravity, this equilibrium position is absolutely stable. If the center of gravity is above the center of buoyancy, the equilibrium must be investigated more carefully.
Boats, barges, and ships are typically bilaterally symmetric, and shoes are approximately so. When a barge is level (side to side), the center of buoyancy is on the vertical plane of symmetry. The load is typically adjusted so that the center of gravity is also on that plane of symmetry. Let us consider a virtual displacement by a rotation about the roll axis, which is the horizontal line in the plane of symmetry and through the center of gravity. In this displacement, the center of buoyancy typically shifts sideways, away from the plane of symmetry, because the displaced water has changed its shape. The line of action of the buoyant force intersects the plane of symmetry at the 'metacenter'. If the metacenter is above the center of gravity, the equilibrium is stable, at least for small rotations. If the center of gravity is above the metacenter, the equilibrium is unstable, and the barge or shoe will roll over.
For any physical pendulum, including a floating object, the period of oscillation about a position of stable equilibrium is always the same as that of a simple pendulum of length = (radius of gyration) squared / (length of arm associated with restoring torque). Here that length of arm is the distance between the metacenter and the center of mass. The concept which Stephenson overlooked is that a physical pendulum has two characteristic lengths, both of which depend upon the distribution of its mass. The simple pendulum has only one characteristic length, because its mass is not distributed at all, so that radius of gyration = length of arm.
In order to examine the effect of the density (or specific gravity) of the load upon the motion of a barge, we need to model the system. The description as "a long, narrow, cheaply made box" serves to inspire a model. A "box" should have a uniform rectangular cross-section, with an outside width and an overall depth from bottom of hull planks to top of deck (if any). That it is "long", suggests that we can ignore the effects of the ends as an initial approximation. That it is "cheaply made", means that the load should be uniformly distributed over the entire area of the bottom and of the deck. That way the load is supported almost directly by the pressure of the water against the hull planks, and there is no need for beam strength to support concentrated loads. Thus we can describe the entire barge by a single cross section, which can also be considered to represent a unit length ('one meter') of the barge.
We can now evaluate the mechanical properties of such a barge, under various loads. Every item shown in the cross section, whether part of the barge or of the load, can be represented by a rectangle, and can be treated in the same manner. (The bottom, sides, and deck would actually be longitudinal planks over spaced transverse ribs, but the mass of the ribs can be 'averaged' over the unit length.) The mass of a unit length of the item is its density times its area, and its individual center of mass is at the center of its rectangle. The mass and the center of mass of the entire system can be found by summing the contributions.
The moment of inertia of every rectangular item, about its individual center of mass, is given by 1/12 of its mass x the square of its diagonal (or the sum of the squares of its edge lengths). Its moment of inertia about any other point, such as the overall center of mass, is the sum of that central moment and its mass x the square of the distance between the desired point and the center of the item. The moment of inertia of the entire system about the overall center of mass, is the sum of the individual contributions. A further significance of "cheaply made", is that the mass and moment of inertia are dominated by the load, rather than by the wooden structure of the barge.
The calculation of the metacenter is particularly simple for this rectangular cross section. When the barge is level, the displaced water for a unit length appears as a rectangle, the width of the hull x the 'draft'. The draft is the vertical distance from the bottom of the hull to the waterline, and it depends upon the load in the barge at the time. The center of buoyancy is thus at half of the draft above the bottom of the hull. When the barge has a virtual displacement such that the deck has a particular (small) slope relative to the waterline, the displaced water for a unit length appears as a trapezoid, having the same area as the original rectangle. The centroid of the trapezoid is displaced horizontally from the plane of symmetry, by 1/12 x slope x width squared / draft. Thus the height of the metacenter above the hull bottom is 1/2 draft + 1/12 width squared / draft.
Let us then consider identical barges, each loaded with cargo of uniform but different density. The total load will have the same mass in each case, so that the draft will be the same in each case. Thus the position of the metacenter will also be the same in each case. The width of the load will fill the space between the inner faces of the walls. The height of the load will be inversely proportional to the density of the load. The center of mass of the system will be close to the centroid of the load (the "cheaply built" condition). Similarly, the central moment of inertia of the system will be dominated by the central moment of inertia of the load, which has the factor (1/12) [(inner width) squared + (load height) squared].
The overall radius of gyration obviously decreases as the load height decreases, or as the load density increases. At the same time, the length of the torque arm, from the overall center of mass to the metacenter, increases as the load density increases. Thus the load of greatest available density corresponds to a simple pendulum of the shortest possible length, or shortest period. This is exactly opposite to Stephenson’s assertion.
Some other conditions of equilibrium should be mentioned. An empty barge of reasonable width would have the smallest possible draft and the largest possible height of metacenter. It would be quite stable, and would not require any ballast before being loaded with useful cargo.
There is a smallest critical load density which allows the system to be stable, and to oscillate. When the load has density just greater than that critical value, the overall center of mass is below the metacenter, but close to it. The equivalent simple pendulum is very long, and the period of oscillation is correspondingly large. This is the condition which produces "ponderous motion", and not high density as Stephenson asserted.
When the load has any density less than that critical value, the overall center of mass is above the metacenter, and the barge would roll over. If the load has exactly the critical density, the system would be in neutral equilibrium. It ought to 'hang' at any angle of displacement, but it would be in danger of capsizing if anything on board were moved.
The exact value of this critical load density depends on the dimensions of the barge, but it ought to be roughly half the density of the wood used in the barge. The barge would appear dangerously overloaded, with cargo piled on the deck to about the height of the hull itself. Thus the most dangerous cargo for a barge is enclosed air! It could take the form of uncompressed fiber (wool or tow), or of partly empty barrels or crates. In the modern era, it could be empty shipping pallets, which actually represent a dangerous load for a flatbed semitrailer.
Stephenson should have known better than to ignore these effects of load distribution when he was writing Quicksilver, because on page 302 appears: "Once loaded, the carronnades are being run out to the gunwales–hugely increasing the ship’s moment of inertia, accounting for the change in the roll period–" Unfortunately, he used perhaps the most inappropriate specialized form of naval artillery as his example. The carronade was not invented until about 1769 (see Wikipedia), so that it could not have been available on Minerva in November 1713. One of its special features, beyond those described on that same page, was its very low mass. (It was typically used on upper decks of ships, without raising the center of mass too high.) The ship’s long guns would have made a greater increase in the moment of inertia by being run out, but probably not by enough to be called "hugely".
It is likely that Stephenson knows even better now, because in his latest book Anathem, the narrator (Fraa Erasmas) remarks on page 683: "Then I went back to work estimating the inertia tensor of the Geometers’ ship." What I have done above amounts to considering a single component of that tensor, for a chaland. None of the other components are needed here, when considering only rotation about the roll axis. However, Erasmas did have to allow for simultaneous rotations about all three axes. Essentially, Stephenson knows many of the right words, but he seems not to have the full significance of "moment of inertia" at his fingertips.
Friday, October 2, 2009
The Lizard as Drag Racer
As Bobby Shaftoe was dreaming again about his encounter with the giant lizard (page 279 of Cryptonomicon), he remembered seeing: "Sand erupts into the air, like smoke from the burning tires of a drag racer, ..." That is a meaningful image to the reader, but it was an anachronism for Bobby in 1943. To produce that phenomenon of burning tires, as contrasted to merely making the tires squeal briefly, typically required large, over-square, V-eight engines with overhead valves. Such engines first became available in 1949 models (especially Cadillac and Chrysler). The first drag races sanctioned by the National Hot Rod Association took place in 1953 ( ).
Saturday, September 26, 2009
Where did the Messerschmitt Jet Crash?
Bobby Shaftoe was walking into town, when he saw an experimental Luftwaffe jet aircraft coming across the Gulf of Bothnia (pages 564ff of Cryptonomicon). He estimated that it crossed the shoreline "a couple of miles north of Otto's cabin," which he had just left. Perhaps he based that estimate on knowing the particular clump of trees behind which it disappeared. He did not know either the size of the aircraft, or its speed, which would be the usual information employed in assisting such an estimate.
He counted seven seconds between seeing the fireball of the crash, and hearing the explosion. Using the 'five seconds per mile' algorithm, which he had learned in the Boy Scouts (that is where I learned it), the crash must have been about 1.4 miles from where he then stood. Already, there is a problem; the two estimates don't agree very well, because the airplane had kept going beyond that point on the shoreline.
Bobby walked three more kilometers into Norrsbruck, where he told Günter Bischoff what he had seen (page 583). Bobby specified the distance as "... seven kilometers from where I was standing. So, ten clicks from here."
There are several problems with that statement. The numerical problem may be the most obvious. Just from knowing that a distance of three miles is approximately five kilometers, the metric version of the algorithm must be 'three seconds per kilometer'. The accepted value for the speed of sound (about 330 meters/second in dry air at zero degrees Celsius), means that this metric form of the algorithm is a much better approximation to reality, than is 'five seconds per mile'. Thus, either the time delay was 21 seconds, or the distance was 2.3 kilometers, or perhaps neither number was correct.
The visibility problem arises only if the time delay was indeed 21 seconds, so that the distance was properly 7 kilometers, or about 4.2 miles. I have never been to Sweden, but maps (e.g., ) show several rivers flowing into the Gulf of Bothnia, which implies erosion of valleys. I have lived many years in central Illinois (where Neal Stephenson has also lived) and central Kansas. Both are considered rather flat, and effectively treeless. I would not count on seeing the immediate fireball in either place, at a distance of seven kilometers, because the crash could have happened in a valley. The trees in Sweden would make it even less likely for the fireball to be visible. The ultimate column of smoke would certainly become visible, but it is hard to say just how long that would take.
This military slang usage of "click" for kilometer (better "klick"), was either an anachronism, or a separate creation which died with Bobby and Günter. I served in the U.S. Army during the Korean War, and I never heard that usage. It was widespread during the Vietnam War, and some dictionaries (e.g., ) suggest that it arose during the 1950s. I would guess that it was invented during joint training exercises, involving U.S. forces and other NATO forces. Based on numbers of countries, if not numbers of individual soldiers, the U.S. military was outvoted on the question of yards and miles, versus meters and kilometers. Everyone needed to agree on maps, road marches, and firing tables for artillery. (Even the British, who invented the yard and the mile, abandoned them in favor of metric units.) Perhaps "klick" started as a face-saving joke.
Tuesday, September 1, 2009
Location of Golgotha (Part 2)
Let us now consider how well Lieutenants Goto and Ninomiya might actually have done, in finding the latitude and longitude of the entrance to the Golgotha excavation, where gold was later stored. Stephenson described their method, on pages 789-792 of Cryptonomicon.
I don't know details of a Nipponese sextant of vintage 1940, but it was unlikely to have been better than modern instruments. The best (or at least, most expensive) sextants for amateur navigators, that I have found online, are the Cassens & Plath Horizon Ultra ( ) and the Tamaya Spica ( ). Their specifications are similar. The arc is stated to be accurate within 9 or 10 arc-seconds. The vernier on the drum of the tangent screw reads to 0.2 arc-minute. The aperture of the largest available telescope is 40 mm. Much less expensive sextants (made mostly of plastic) have similar specifications, except that the arc is typically accurate only to 30 arc-seconds.
The angular resolution of such a telescope is about 16.8 micro-radian, or 3.5 arc-second. Thus the precision of angular measurements is limited primarily by the vernier and the arc, both of which might contribute. With good technique, and information about the sun's declination and apparent radius from a nautical almanac, the astronomical latitude could be measured to about the nearest 15 arc seconds, or about 460 meters. This is better than one needs for navigation on the ocean surface. You can see much further than that over open water, and can correct your landfall.
I do happen to know about "a pretty good German watch" of vintage 1940, because I used to own one. Mine was actually made in about 1946, but it undoubtedly used a prewar design. It ticked 5 times per second, and the sweep-second hand jumped at every tick. However, I quickly realized that I couldn't do anything useful with the fifths of seconds. If I was looking at some event, and then looked at the watch, it was almost impossible to determine the time of the event, to any better than the nearest second.
It also wasn't good enough that the watch was "... zeroed against the radio transmission from Manila this morning, ..." If my watch went more than a few months from its last visit to the jeweler's shop, it would be gaining or losing several seconds per day. It was at least as important to determine its current 'rate of going', by checking the watch against a standard for several days in a row.
I have never personally tried 'shooting the sun' with a sextant, but I have read about the technique used at local noon. (I have read every story in the Hornblower series by C. S. Forester, even more often than I have read Stephenson's stories.) One turns slowly, following the sun in azimuth, while rotating the tangent screw to keep the bottom edge of the sun's reflected image in apparent contact with the horizon. The sun's angle of elevation increases as it approaches the celestial meridian, stops increasing exactly as it crosses the meridian, and thereafter decreases. I don't know how easy it is to see these stages, and to say "Mark!" to the timekeeper, exactly when the elevation is maximum.
I would guess that the very best that one can do, is to get the meridian crossing time within one second on the chronometer. [This would apply in the tropics (e.g., the Philippines), because the maximum elevation would be large, and the sun's elevation would change rapidly. At high latitudes, the maximum elevation and the rate of change would be smaller. It might not be possible to identify the time of the maximum, to closer than several seconds.] If the zero and the rate of going of the chronometer are both good enough, then the Greenwich time is also known within one second. The longitude can then be calculated to within 15 arc-seconds, using the information about the sun's right ascension from the almanac.
Unfortunately, Stephenson does not allow Goto and Ninomiya to use this good standard navigational technique, although he does not give an adequate description of what they must have done instead. He specifically states: "They reach it [the highest summit] at about two-thirty in the afternoon, ..." At that time (well after noon), the sun's azimuth and elevation are both changing continuously, and both must be measured, as nearly simultaneously as possible. The best choice would probably be to measure the elevation with the sextant, and the azimuth with the transit, using the compass needle in the transit. This might be dangerous for the observer using the transit, because transits may not have provision to protect the user's eyesight from the sunlight, as most sextants do.
Each observer would continuously track an edge of the sun, but there was no third person to be a timekeeper. One of the observers would say "Mark!" when his own observation was in good alignment, to tell the other observer to stop tracking. The one with the watch would then look away from his telescope, in order to read the time. I doubt that this could be done reliably to better than two seconds in time.
The time of the observation and the almanac identify the latitude and longitude of the sub-sun point, i.e., the point on Earth for which the sun is then at the zenith. The zenith angle, i.e., the complement of the elevation angle, defines the angular separation between the observation point and the sub-sun point. The azimuth angle runs from the observation point to the sub-sun point. One then solves the spherical triangle of those two points and the pole, in order to determine the coordinates of the point of observation.
The near-disaster, which Stephenson imposed upon his characters, was the necessity for using a magnetic azimuth. (If they had stayed on the summit over a night, they could have determined astronomical north by observing circum-polar stars.) The compass needle, between the brackets for the telescope of the transit, might be 12 cm long, or 6 cm from pivot to tip. A protractor of that radius could be divided into degrees, with marks about one mm apart. Even with a decimal vernier on the needle, an azimuth could be measured only to the nearest 6 arc-minutes. That uncertainty in solar azimuth would introduce an uncertainty in the position of the observation point of about 3 arc-minutes, mainly in latitude.
A generous reader could suggest that Stephenson had merely made a typographic error. He may have intended to say, "They reach it at about twelve-thirty, just before local apparent noon, and immediately wish they hadn't because the sun is beating almost straight down on top of them." Notice that this also makes the geometry of the sun's rays much better. Two hours later, the zenith angle of the sun would be about 30 degrees, or even more.
Normally, places in the tropics never bother with daylight saving time. However, the Nipponese armed forces typically maintained the standard time of Tokyo (GMT + 9 hours), and enforced it upon conquered areas ( ). The standard time of Manila is GMT + 8 hours, so that the watch was effectively keeping the equivalent of daylight saving time.
Stephenson carefully avoided mentioning the degrees and minutes for the location of Golgotha, and rarely mentioned dates in Cryptonomicon. However, the pile of gold bars (also on Luzon) was at about 122 degrees east longitude, so that the sun crosses the meridian there about 8 minutes before it crosses the center of time zone +8. Without knowing the date, we cannot guess how fast or slow sun time was, relative to mean time (the equation of time).
At any rate, with an appropriately chosen earlier arrival time, it would have been possible for Lieutenant Ninomiya to shoot the sun in the standard manner. However, the resulting precision of 15 arc-seconds, in both latitude and longitude, is insufficient to allow him to say, "I have the peak exactly -- ..."
There was a corresponding typographic error in another time specification. Stephenson may have intended to say, "At one-o'clock sharp, the enlisted man down in the tree begins to flash his mirror at them, a brilliant spark from a dark rug of jungle that is otherwise featureless." Unfortunately, the very next sentence includes another inadequacy: "Ninomiya centers his transit on the signal and takes down more figures."
What Ninomiya needs to determine at this time, is the displacement (distance and direction) from the summit to the tree near the entrance of Golgotha. A modern transit with a laser rangefinder can do that in a single operation. However, in 1944, there was no such thing as a laser. His transit could only measure a (magnetic) azimuth to the spark. To get a distance, he must do triangulation, using both ends of a baseline of measured length and azimuth. At each end, he must measure the angle between the spark and the marker, which defines the other end of the baseline. The soldier in the tree had to be instructed to keep flashing for a long enough period of time, so that the transit could be carried along the baseline and realigned for the second measurement.
Fortunately, the next sentence offers a possible way out of these difficulties: "In combination with various other data from maps, aerial photos, and the like, this should allow him to make an estimate of the main shaft's latitude and longitude." The mention of "aerial photos" is in the nature of a bad joke. Stephenson has gone to great length to make the point, that in this area of a multiple-canopied tropical forest, it is impossible to see through the foliage from either above or below. Radar imaging from aircraft would be ideal, penetrating the forest to show the ridges and stream valleys of the solid ground. However, that application of radar was a post-war development.
The last opportunity lies in the mention of "maps". We know that a large-scale map of Bundok Site existed, drawn on a linen bed sheet (pages 730-734). Because it was a reasonably accurate representation of the Site, it was probably generated from a well made map at smaller scale.
The history of mapping in the Philippines was intimately associated with the fact that the U.S. controlled the Philippines, from after the Spanish-American War until World War II, and for a few years afterward. (See a brief history by Joseph F. Dracup: .) The surveying and mapping was done with the advice of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, using the same type of instruments and techniques as had been employed to survey and map the continental U.S. (Not all of the triangulation surveys in the Philippines were done to the same high standard of accuracy as in the U.S.)
The data were presented using Luzon Datum 1911, which incorporated a reference ellipsoid with axes of exactly specified lengths, a single surface point whose latitude and longitude had exactly specified values, and an orientation specified by the azimuth to another point. I have not seen the specifications of Luzon Datum 1911, but it is easy to find the specifications of the analogous North American Datum 1927 ( e.g.: ). The Nipponese captured all of the data from these surveys in 1942, so that they could produce maps that were the equivalent of what the U.S. could produce.
I have not seen U.S. military maps of World War II, but I saw and used maps of Korea, for that war. Almost everything else used by the U.S. in the Korean War was essentially identical to that used in World War II, so I would guess that the maps were equivalent also. The largest-scale Korean maps were at 1:50,000 ( ). Each map quadrangle had its edges labeled by latitude (north and south) or longitude (east and west). A grid of latitude and longitude lines subdivided the interior of the map. The smallest things printed on the map (e.g., contour lines of elevation and the grid lines) were about 0.1 millimeter wide, which represents 5 meters on the ground.
Thus, if one makes the highly optimistic assumption, that every single landscape feature printed on the map is in the correct position within the width of those lines, then its latitude and longitude can be determined to a precision of 0.2 arc-seconds (6 meters), by interpolation between the grid lines. (Personally, I am not nearly that optimistic about the accuracy of any maps of that era.)
This happens to be just good enough, because Stephenson stated that the tenths digits were even, for both coordinates (page 1064). Thus they could have represented fifths of an arc-second, rather than tenths. Ninomiya would have looked for the bends in the Tojo River, as shown on the map, because the entrance was very close to the river. (Note that this means that the observations on the summit of Mount Calvary were totally unnecessary.)
The final consideration concerns styles in GPS receivers. In the present generation (2009), GPS receivers are typically aimed at urban explorers, who might want to find the nearest restaurant or night club, and who need to be told which way to turn at the next intersection. Some previous generations of GPS receivers were aimed at wilderness explorers. They might have wanted to record or relocate mineral deposits, or populations of particular biota, or farm cemeteries with ancestral graves, or sunken submarines, or gold bars.
Some of those receivers came with the capability of changing the datum, to be used to display the positions, at the user's choice. Thus, if Randy's receiver offered Luzon Datum 1911, he could indeed get to the same point, in the map grid, which Lieutenant Ninomiya had selected in 1944.
If everything else had gone well since 1911, Golgotha would be there.
Saturday, August 22, 2009
Location of Golgotha (Part 1)
One of the most important continuing items in Cryptonomicon is the location (latitude and longitude) of the entrance to Golgotha, the excavation at Bundok Site, in which a large quantity of gold was stored near the end of World War II. On pages 789-792 is a description of the method, used by Lieutenants Goto Dengo and Ninomiya, to determine that location in 1944. On pages 1039-1040, Randy Waterhouse recalls the values he had decrypted from the Arethusa intercepts: "In the seconds figure, the Golgotha numbers have one digit after the decimal point, which implies a precision of ten feet. GPS receivers can give you that kind of precision. Randy's not so sure about the sextants that the Nipponese surveyors presumably used during the war."
This stated precision of the Global Positioning System (GPS) was consistent with Randy's earlier experience. On page 601, Randy is told the coordinates of a different site, accurate to hundredths of a second. On page 633, Randy mentions this encounter in an email to his colleaues, saying "... , implying a maximum positional error on the order of the size of a dinner plate." On page 655, Randy reports finding a stack of gold bars there, with the help of his GPS receiver.
On page 1064, Randy and Goto Dengo verify that they both know the coordinates of Golgotha, as of 1944. On pages 1089-1090, Randy reaches that point, as shown by his new GPS receiver.
Let us start out with the simplest question: What distance on Earth corresponds to one second of arc? The original definition of the the meter was that the Paris meridian, from pole to equator, should measure ten million meters. (They didn't get it quite right.) That quarter circle contains 90 x 60 x 60 = 324,000 arc-seconds, so that one arc-second corresponds to 30.9 meters or 101.3 feet. There is no point in keeping more decimal places in this discussion, because Earth's surface is approximately an ellipsoid of revolution. The polar radius b is shorter that the equatorial radius a. [This relationship is often expressed by the flattening parameter f, in the form b = a (1 - f).] The distance corresponding to one arc-second depends upon the latitude, and upon the direction of the displacement. Thus Stephenson was reasonable in both of his statements about the precision of GPS.
Prior to the development of GPS, there were two ways in which the position of an arbitrary point could be determined. One method involves astronomical observations, to measure the latitude and longitude directly. It works at any place on Earth, on land or water. The other method is by survey, to measure the distance and direction to that arbitrary point, from some point whose latitude and longitude are already known. It works just as well in an archipelago such as the Philippines, as on a continent such as North America, so long as water gaps can be spanned by lines of sight between triangulation stations on land.
There are two levels at which one can ask whether the 1944 measurement was possible, with that stated precision. At the higher level, what must you have and what must you know, in order to measure latitude and longitude to 0.1 arc-second, without using GPS, but matching GPS? At the lower level, what precision could Goto and Ninomiya reasonably have attained, with their equipment and technique?
The problem of measuring longitude by astronomical observations, has historically involved measuring the time of some event with sufficient accuracy. [Stephenson even mentioned "the longitude problem" in The System of the World (e.g., pages 345-348).] In order to know longitude to 1/10 arc-second, the time must be measured to the nearest 1/150 second. This is completely impossible, if human reaction time is involved.
The best astronomical clocks before World War II were typically based on a vibrating quartz crystal in a controlled environment. The frequency of the crystal was divided electronically, and used to control an electronic alternating-current source at some convenient frequency. The alternating current drove a synchronous electric motor, and reduction gears from the motor shaft drove analog second, minute, and hour hands. Such a clock was much more accurate over long periods than any clock with a mechanical escapement, but it is not obvious how one could pull out the times of external events, to this desired precision.
Purely electronic clocks, which essentially count the oscillations of some atomic or molecular system, are a product of the development of radar during World War II. It is almost trivially easy to pull out the time, to much better precision than this, without disturbing the clock itself. However, such clocks did not exist in 1944.
The astronomical event itself must appear to be no larger than 1/10 arc-second. That typically means that it must involve a star, which acts as a point source to be viewed by a telescope. The standard relationship, for the diffraction pattern produced at a circular aperture, is that the first zero occurs at the angle such that the path difference, through points across the diameter of the aperture, is 1.22 wavelengths. For light of wavelength 550 nanometer (the peak of the response of the human eye), and an angle of 0.487 microradian (1/10 arc-second), the aperture must exceed 1.38 meter (54 inches). This is a major astronomical instrument.
The event would typically be the passage of the star across the local celestial meridian, defined by the local vertical and the celestial pole. The longitude of the telescope would be determined by the time of passage, as the star image moves behind a cross-hair, which is aligned with the meridian. The latitude of the telescope would be determined from the angle of elevation of the star image above the local horizontal, or equivalently, by the angle between the local vertical and the star image.
Of course, the coordinates of the star (right ascension for longitude and declination for latitude) would have to be known to a precision of 1/10 arc-second. This was completely unavailable in 1944. According to my Encyclopedia Britannica, star atlases even in 1989 (the date of publication) were typically good to only 1/4 arc-second.
One remaining problem in making very accurate positional measurements by astronomical observations, and comparing them to GPS measurements, is hidden in the above mentions of "local celestial meridian" and "local horizontal or vertical". (The following discussion is taken from the texts which I used for teaching an introductory course in Earth Science.)
If the mass of Earth were distributed with rotational symmetry, and with density decreasing from the center to the surface, then Earth's surface could indeed match the reference ellipsoid of GPS. At any point on such a homogeneous planet, the local vertical (as revealed by a plumb line) would be perpendicular to the reference ellipsoid. The local horizontal (as revealed by an undisturbed liquid surface) would be tangential to the reference ellipsoid. The local celestial meridian would be defined by the axis of the reference ellipsoid and the point itself.
In the actual Earth, the mass distribution has considerable lack of homogeneity. The scale of the inhomogeneities ranges from continents versus oceans, to mountain ranges versus oceanic trenches, to ore bodies versus petroleum deposits. One effect of inhomogeneity is gravitational anomalies. Directly above a region of greater (lesser) density, the measured acceleration of gravity would be stronger (weaker), than on a homogeneous planet. Another effect is variation of sea level. The ocean water would tend to pile up near a positive anomaly, but would tend to sag near a negative gravitational anomaly.
The remaining effect is deflection of the vertical. The acceleration of gravity g would tend to point toward a region of greater mass density, and away from a region of lesser mass density. This effect is obviously involved in position determination. Any north-south component of g would cause the astronomical latitude to differ from the GPS latitude, and any east-west component would similarly affect the astronomical longitude.
All of these effects can be combined in the concept of the 'geoid'. This is defined as a surface of constant gravitational potential, which matches Earth's mean sea level at every point. It can be specified by its elevation, at every point, relative to the reference ellipsoid. A plumb line is everywhere perpendicular to the geoid. The geoid is the zero for measuring elevations using 'bubble' instruments. Once the geoid is known, then g can be calculated for any point on or outside it.
Early attempts to determine the geoid were based on gravimetric surveys, in which the magnitude of g and the elevation were measured at a grid of points on Earth's surface. A complete determination would have required the grid to extend over the entire surface of Earth. However, that requirement was eased with the launch of artificial satellites in near-Earth orbits. The orbit of a satellite depends upon the exact strength and direction of g at every point of the orbit. When satellites have been tracked in enough different orbits, that information can be combined with gravimetric surveys to give a complete geoid, typically in the form of an expansion in spherical harmonics.
The deflection of the vertical at any point could be found from the slope of the geoid there (relative to the reference ellipsoid), but it can also be found directly from the expansion of the gravitational acceleration g in spherical harmonics. I have not found online any report of determination of the deflection of the vertical for the Philippines. Such a report is available for survey stations in Canada (see ), where both the north-south and east-west deflections are as large as 23 arc-seconds.
A contour map of the gravitational anomaly, which is nearly equivalent to that for the geoid, was recently published [O. Andersen et al, Physics Today 62, 4, 88 (April 2009)]. It shows a texture near the Philippines comparable to that across Canada, so that I would expect the deflections of the vertical there to be comparable. Of course, the deflection must itself be known to the same precisi0n as the astronomical position to be adjusted, here 0.1 arc-second.
The final problem in comparing astronomical positions to GPS positions, is that the two systems do not share the same 'datum', or coordinate system. In particular, a GPS receiver does not read longitude zero, in the fundamental datum of GPS (WGS 84), when it is at the meridian telescope of the Greenwich Observatory. The position of that instrument historically defined zero longitude, for astronomical determinations.
Essentially, each system is compatible within itself, but it should not be expected to be compatible with the other system.
Even if all of the above problems could have been anticipated in 1944, so that the location of Golgotha was correctly known to within three meters, it still might not have been found there fifty years later. The notion of continental drift, or plate tectonics, had been proposed earlier, but the evidence to support it was developed after World War II. I don't know the actual speed of the Philippine platelet, but that distance and time represent a speed of 6 centimeters per year. That is exactly in the range of speeds reported for other plates, e.g., India colliding with Asia, to produce the 2008 earthquake in China.
All in all, I am forced to conclude that it was impossible, that any astronomical method in 1944 could have produced a position for Golgotha, which matched that given by GPS later.
A separate posting will consider how well Lieutenants Goto and Ninomiya might actually have done, in determining the location of Golgotha.
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Sicut Judaeis (the "Constitution for the Jews") was a papal bull setting out the official position of the papacy regarding the treatment of Jews.
The first bull was issued in about 1120 by Pope Calixtus II and was intended to protect Jews who suffered during the First Crusade, during which over five thousand Jews were slaughtered in Europe. The words "Sicut Judaeis" ("and thus to the Jews") were first used by Pope Gregory I (590-604) in a letter addressed to the Bishop of Naples. Even then the Pope emphasized that Jews were entitled to "enjoy their lawful liberty."[1]
The bull was reaffirmed by many popes including Alexander III, Celestine III (1191-1198), Innocent III (1199), Honorius III (1216), Gregory IX (1235), Innocent IV (1246), Alexander IV (1255), Urban IV (1262), Gregory X (1272 & 1274), Nicholas III, Martin IV (1281), Honorius IV (1285-1287), Nicholas IV (1288-92), Clement VI (1348), Urban V (1365), Boniface IX (1389), Martin V (1422), and Nicholas V (1447).[2]
It is evident from the need to repeatedly reaffirm the papal teaching that the popes influence had limited impact in the real world. The history of medieval and modern Christian-Jewish relations reveals the inability of the popes to protect Jews from mistreatment, or worse. Some later papal bulls in fact removed some rights from the Jews recognised by the original bull.
Extracts from the bull
Pope Alexander III is the author of the oldest version of the bull that still exists today. Excerpts from the translation of the bull follows:
1. Wikisource-logo.svg "History of Toleration". Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. 1913.
2. The Apostolic See and the Jews, Documents: 492-1404; Simonsohn, Shlomo, p.68,143,?,211,242,245-246,249,254,260,265,396,430,507; Jewish Encyclopedia on the Popes.
3. Synan, Edward. The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages. 231-232.
This page uses content from the English Wikipedia. The original article was at Sicut Judaeis. The list of authors can be seen in the page history.
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Jews and Brews
German Jewish Museum
The exhibition occupies the ground floor and upper story of the museum. Curators begin with the question: given that the alcoholic beverage traditionally associated with Jewish life is wine, how did beer come to play a role? Following the discovery of beer more than five thousand years ago in ancient Egypt, the rabbinical authorities declared the alcohol kosher (except on Passover, and with the proviso that no non-kosher elements were introduced during the brewing process). Moreover, they ruled that any liquor might stand in for wine on ceremonial occasions if it was the customary beverage of the surrounding community. Whether beer ever acquired ritual status among German Jews, however, is a question that the exhibit never addresses. As the title indicates, its primary focus is not consumption but rather production.
Jewish beer stein
Beer stein with Zoigl, c. 1880
Beer production and Jews were symbolically entwined in southern Germany from the Middle Ages, when brewers chose the six-point star (Zoigl) to mark places where they sold the beverage. This same star was also used to denote Jewishness as early as the thirteenth century. The Zoigl remained in use until the Nazis came to power, and the museum displays a rich collection of beer steins (mugs) and other paraphernalia adorned with the emblem.
The expulsion of Jews from numerous German cities in the late Middle Ages led to the rise of new rural communities and large-scale involvement in hops growing and trading. By the nineteenth century, wealthy Jewish brewers had come to dominate beer production in Bavaria. Jakob von Hirsch (1765-1849), Germany’s first Jewish baron, overcame the opposition of competitors to establish Munich’s first modern brewery in 1836. Under his progeny, the operation thrived until the difficult years following World War I. A century after von Hirsch, Josef Schülein (1854-1938) amassed fabulous wealth through his own brewery, which became the city’s second-largest. In his old age he devoted himself to charity and delegated the task of running the business to his sons. The youngest, Fritz, wrote a dissertation on the legal contract system governing the distribution of beer.
Cases like von Hirsch and Schülein suggest the importance of beer as a vehicle of social mobility and assimilation for wealthy German Jews in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. (I also found myself wondering about issues of anti-Semitism, which are referenced only obliquely.) However, the “tales” of the exhibition do not serve to advance an argument that genuinely situates either German Jewry or beer as agents in each other’s history. Nor do they touch upon the broader communities with which entrepreneurs certainly engaged. Farm and factory laborers, tavern-keepers, salespersons, and women remain outside the margins of this narrative despite their indispensability to the beer industry. This history of brewing remains a top-down enterprise, as it were.
Perhaps thanks in part to their elite status, most of the figures detailed here were able to emigrate in time to escape the Holocaust. Their dispersal under Hitler led to the spread of German brewing beyond Europe, particularly to the United States and Israel. The final installations of the exhibit detail the recent rise of craft beer production in these societies. The American microbrewery scene has exploded in the past quarter-century or so (particularly in my home state of Colorado). Success in the U.S. has in turn inspired a veritable “revolution” in Israel. Though the Israeli beer market was long dominated by two national brands and a handful of export labels, today the country boasts more than thirty small operations, including several in the Bavarian mode. To complement the exhibit, the museum’s beer garden was serving the results of the first collaboration between German and Israeli brewers. (I’ll admit that it was not to my taste, but the standard is high in Munich.)
cartoon vodka beer
Cartoon, Jordan B. Gorfinkel, commissioned by Jewish Museum Munich
Although many contemporary Jewish brewers thrive outside Germany, they, like German Jews as a whole, have largely disappeared from German public life. In 1950 Fritz Schülein returned to Munich; the family business was restituted to him, but he was unable to return it to profitability, and sold it. Today, the majority of Jews in Germany are of Russian extraction, and for them, vodka is the wine of this land.
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, Volume 2, Issue 1–2, pp 1–17
Ocean trench conservation
• M. V. Angel
DOI: 10.1007/BF02340472
Cite this article as:
Angel, M.V. Environmentalist (1982) 2: 1. doi:10.1007/BF02340472
Considerable concern has been recently expressed in conservation circles about the potential threat to oceanic trench ecosystems. Here, the geological origin in environmental characteristics and biological significance of the trenches are reviewed.
Each trench provides a unique and isolated habitat, consequently endemicity has been found to be high at the specific level in each trench that has been adequately studied. However, the remoteness from primary food sources greatly reduces the richness of the fauna.
The physical instability of trench habitats deriving from their high level of seismic activity, will result in the organisms being pre-adapted to mechanical disturbance. The main threats are either direct through poisoning by toxic chemicals or indirect through the decoupling of the trench habitat from its primary food source, or reduction in oxygen levels caused either by eutrophication or reduction in flushing rates.
Only direct threats are considered as being at all dangerous, and any incident would be restricted to a single trench system. these threats could be reduced by rerouting vessels carrying toxic cargoes and by improving the effectiveness of the London Dumping Convention.
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Copyright information
© Kluwer Academic Publishers 1982
Authors and Affiliations
• M. V. Angel
There are no affiliations available
Personalised recommendations
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History of Uranium Production in Canada
Uranium was first discovered in Canada in the mid-1800s on the north shore of Lake Superior. However, uranium ores first came to public attention in the early 1930s when the Eldorado Gold Mining Company began its operations at Port Radium, Northwest Territories (Great Bear Lake), to extract its radium content. Demand for uranium began with the initiation in 1942 of an Allied nuclear-weapons program, the Manhattan Project.
The strategic nature of such material resulted in a ban on prospecting and mining of all radioactive materials across Canada. In 1943, the federal government took over the Eldorado Company and formed a new Crown corporation - Eldorado Mining and Refining Limited - which later became Eldorado Nuclear Ltd. Uranium exploration was restricted to the joint efforts of Eldorado and the Geological Survey of Canada.
A wartime ban on private uranium prospecting was lifted in 1947, which led to a renewal of activities in the industry and to the discovery in late 1940s and early 1950s of major deposits in northern Saskatchewan (Uranium City) and near Elliot Lake in northern Ontario.
At the end of the 1950s, 23 uranium mines and 19 processing plants were in operation. Canadian uranium production peaked in 1959, when more than 12,000 tonnes of uranium were produced. Uranium yielded C$330 million in export revenue, making it the country’s most exported ore of its time and Canada’s fourth major export after newsprint, wheat and timber.
The level of uranium exploration waned in the 1960s with the decline of military demand but was revived in the 1970s by expectations of nuclear power growth. It was not until the mid-1970s that price levels and market activity were sufficient to prompt a significant expansion of exploration and development. In 1977, the price of uranium reached a historical high, and a second burst of exploration resulted in major discoveries in the Athabasca Basin of northern Saskatchewan.
In the 1980s, Canada emerged as the world's leading producer and exporter of uranium, with about 80% of its annual uranium production destined for export, principally to the US, Japan and Western Europe.
Between 1970 and 1984, the uranium market was dominated by a primary production that exceeded the real need of nuclear reactors. The production of U3O8 largely decreased between 1985 and 2003.
After the closing of Elliot Lake’s last uranium mines in the mid-1990s, the Athabasca Basin became and remained the only source of uranium in Canada. Following the Three Mile Island incident, the overproduction of uranium brought down the price that reached a historical low in 2001 with US$7/lb.
In 2005, renewed interest for the uranium industry was in the air. Due to the perception of imminent scarcity, the price of uranium skyrocketed to US$136/lb U3O8 in 2007, which also revived the uranium mining sector. Canada currently has three active uranium mines and three mills, with another mine under construction, all located in northern Saskatchewan. Hundreds of uranium exploration projects are also active throughout the country. With known uranium resources of about 572,000 tonnes of U3O8, as well as continuing exploration, Canada will have a significant role in meeting future world demand. The country is the world’s second largest uranium producer, preceded by Kazakhstan. (WNA, 2012)
World Nuclear Association. 2012. Uranium in Canada.
Link: http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf49.html
World Nuclear Association. Brief History of Uranium Mining in Canada.
Link: http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/inf49i_Canada_Uranium_Mining_Historya.html
Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission. 2012. Uranium Mines and Mills in Canada.
Link: http://nuclearsafety.gc.ca/eng/about/regulated/minesmills/index.cfm
L’Encyclopédie canadienne. Uranium.
Link: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=f1SEC859354
Ministère des Ressources naturelles et de la Faune. 2005. L’uranium : un vent d’optimisme.
Link: http://www.mrnf.gouv.qc.ca/mines/quebec-mines/2005-11/uranium.asp
Ministère des Ressources naturelles et de la Faune. 2007. L’exploration de l’uranium au Québec – une mise à jour.
Lien : http://www.mrnf.gouv.qc.ca/mines/quebec-mines/2009-02/uranium.asp
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Born Chloe Anthony Wofford, in 1931 in Lorain, Ohio, as the second of child of four children in a black working-class family, Morrison displayed an early interest in literature.
Toni Morrison's novels examine the black community in Ohio, the state she has known since her youth, at various stages of its history. Her passionate and poetic writing particularly address the impact that slavery had and continues to have on people who struggle to retain their dignity.
In 1993, Toni Morrison became the first black woman to win the Nobel Prize in Literature.
Payne, Tom. The A-Z of Great Writers. London: Carlton, 1997, 258
"Freeing yourself was one thing, claiming ownership of that freed self was another"
Toni Morrison, Beloved
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picto & pict
These ROOT-WORDS are PICT & PICTO meaning to PAINT and to make a picture. All the words made with this ROOT figure largely in pictures and picture-making of all kinds. You may have a perfectly valid question to ask about the spelling of this root, PICTO and PICT. Why does PAINT have an n and the pictures have c? The Latin verb has both - pingere and pictus.
1. Picture : PICT ure (pik’ chur) n.
A representation through the art of painting, drawing, or photography
2. Pictograph : PICTO graph (pie’ to graf) n.
Writing with pictures or symbols
3. Pictography : PICTO graphy (pik tog’ ra fee) n.
Picture writing
4. Pictoradiogram : PICTO radiogram (pik to ray’ di o gram) n.
A picture transmitted by radiophotography
5. Pictorial : PICTO rial (pik tore’ ee al) adj.
Relating to pictures; as, pictorial style
6. Pictorialism : PICTO realism (pik to’ ri al iz um) n.
The use of pictorial style
7. Pictorizlize : PICTO rizlize (pik to’ ri al ize) v.
To represent by pictures
8. Picture : PICT ure (pik’ chur) v.
Make a mental image; as, I will picture the meeting in my mind
9. Pictural : PICT ural (pik’ tur al) adj.
10. Picture Dom : PICT uredom (pik’ tur dom) n.
The world of motion pictures
11. Picturedrome : PICT uredrome (pik’ tur drome) n.
A moving-picture theater
12. Picturesque : PICT uresque (pik chu resk’) adj.
Just like a picture, as, a picturesque scene
13. Picturesquely : PICT uresquely (pik chu resk’ lee) adv.
In a picturesque manner
14. Picturer : PICT urer (pik’ tur er) n.
A painter
15. Picturesque ness : PICT uresqueness (pik chu resk’ nes) n.
The quality of being like a picture
16. Pictury : PICT ury (pik’ tur i) adj.
Tending to look like a picture
17. Depict : de PICT (de pikt’) v.
To form a likeness; to portray; describe
18. Depicture : de PICT ure (de pik’ chur) v.
To depict; to imagine
19. Depiction : de PICT ion (de pik’ shun) n.
The act of depicting; representing
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arachnid (n.) Look up arachnid at
1854, "a spider," from French arachnide (1806) or Modern Latin Arachnida (plural), the zoological name for the class of arthropods including spiders, scorpions, and mites, introduced as a class-name 1815 by French biologist Jean Baptiste Pierre Antoine de Monet de Lamarck (1744-1829), from Latinized form of Greek arakhne (fem.) "spider; spider's web," which probably is cognate with Latin aranea "spider, spider's web," from aracsna, of unknown origin.
The Latin word could be a borrowing of the Greek one, or both could be from a common root. Beekes writes, "As the word looks non-IE and since it is limited to these two languages, it is probably a borrowing." Latin aranea is the source of common words for "spider" in French (araignée, Old French araigne), Spanish (araña), Italian (aragna), etc. It also was borrowed in Old English as renge "spider;" Middle English had araine "spider" (late 14c., from Old French), which survived in dialect as arain, noted in John Ray's "Collection of English Words" (1768) as a Nottinghamshire word for "the larger kind of spiders." Also compare araneology.
Earlier noun forms were arachnidian (1828), arachnidan (1843). As adjectives, arachnidean (1853), arachnidian (1854), arachnidial (1877), arachnidal (1850), arachnidous (1833) have been used.
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Notre Dame Du Haut is a religious space designed by architect Charles Edouard Jeanneret, known as Le Corbusier, in the 1950’s. The chapel is located in Ronchamp, France. This style of architecture is known as the International Style, Brutalism, Sculptural Style, as well as Expressionist Modern. Notre Dame Du Haut replaced the previous structure that was destroyed by bombs in 1944.
Physical Characteristics:
• Simplicity
• Oblong nave
• Two side entrances
• Axial main alter
• Three chapels
• Three towers
• 4 ft to 12 ft thick, whitewashed, sprayed concrete walls (known as Gunite or Gunnire)
• Beton brut roof
• Southern facing wall of windows
• Exterior alter
• Sculpture of the Virgin Mary
How the Physical Characteristics Enhance the Religious Function:
The chapel appears completely organic both in form and in materials. Notre Dame Du Haut lacks any obvious attempts at accentuating geometry. The materials are left in the raw and allowed to age naturally. The simplicity of form gives the chapel the feel of sculpture.
Lack of ornate detail allows the building to completely exist as a religious space without any distractions to pilgrims and worshippers. Lacking mass-produced materials the structure is pure and simple exemplifying the desired way of life for those who came to the chapel.
Oblong Nave-
The word nave was derived from the nave of a ship. Le Corbusier created a nave for the chapel that appeared similar to the nave of a ship. This line of thinking brings us back to simplicity. Le Corbusier was breaking down all the elements of the structure to the basic forms and intentions so as not to distract from the true function of the building as a religious space.
Beton Brut Roof-
The roof is dark brown contrasting greatly with the whitewashed walls, constructed with two reinforced concrete membranes. The roof softly curves upward toward the sky. There is a small gap between the walls and the roof making it appear to be floating above the rest of the chapel. From the interior of the building one can see a line of light entering the structure through this gap. It is said that the smooth curve of the roof is symbolic of praying hands.
South Facing Wall of Windows-
This wall is also known as the ‘wall of light’. The windows vary in size and are placed in no certain pattern in the wall. Even though the walls are thick and heavy the interior is filled with a surprising degree of light thanks to these windows. The windows contain elements of stained glass adding color to the otherwise achromatic structure. The windows also enhance the steep slope of the wall.
Light has been a long time symbol of religion. Gothic Architecture took this concept to the extreme considering light one of the most important elements of any religious structure. Light gives the space an ethereal quality.
Exterior Alter-
The hill on which Notre Dame Du Haut is located has been a site for pilgrimages since the thirteenth century C.E. The alter on the exterior of the chapel is a place where these weary travelers can come and worship. During important pilgrimage days, such as feast days, the outdoor chapel can house every visitor. The exterior alter is one of three chapels located beneath three towers. The main chapel can only hold up to 50 people. The small main chapel allows for more personal prayer.
Sculpture of the Virgin Mary-
This wooden sculpture is placed in a high niche. Le Corbusier was raised protestant so he therefore researched the Catholic religion before beginning to design the building. While learning about the religion he noticed a reoccurring mother and child relationship. He placed the sculpture up high so that the Virgin Mary could look over her children. The Virgin Mary can be seen from both the interior and exterior of the chapel. This way she can look over both alters.
Sources and Images:
Situated on a hill in the countryside town of Ronchamp, France, Le Corbusier’s Notre Dame du Haut chapel is a strange and beautiful anomaly in the history of characteristically modern architecture, specifically the International Style, of the mid-twentieth century. Its organic, gestural form, use of abstract shapes, and incorporation of color, texture, light, and sound has strong ties to the modern art of the period. Meanwhile, its personal, intimate scale, so different from the mechanized housing projects the architect championed a few years earlier, suggests a desire to retreat from the harsh realities of a modern world, and the destruction of World War Two.
In his housing projects, such as his opus, the 1947 Unité d’Habitation in Marseille, he designed the space to be as space and cost efficient as possible, making the home into a “machine for living.” His aim was to make an architecture that was mass producible, and to render this efficiency and simplicity beautiful. Le Corbusier could look at an austere concrete structure and see aesthetic beauty. With a strict social agenda and mechanized style in place, the chapel at Ronchamp came as something of a shock to the architects of the time.
In 1950, the parish of Ronchamp, France commissioned Le Corbusier to design a new Notre Dame en Haut chapel, after the previous chapel was lost in World War Two. That structure, too, was a replacement; the original chapel was destroyed in a lightning fire in 1910. The actual site, however, had been a popular destination for pilgrims since the 13th century. The parish was small, with a population of 200, but on holy days pilgrims numbering into the ten thousands would flood the chapel and the surrounding hill.
Unlike Le Corbusier’s previous structures, the chapel has an organic feel, and responds to the natural environment. This move is more in line with his original purism philosophy in that it responds to nature. The building itself is sloped to fit each of the four horizons: a plain opposite hills and two valleys on the remaining sides.
The texture of the surfaces also reflects the chapel’s natural environment. The chapel is made of rough sprayed concrete, or béton brut, covered by a layer of whitewashed plaster. Large wooden beams provide support for the walls and roof, and also form the benches within the chapel. Le Corbusier chose concrete not just for its sculptural potential, but also because it was the most practical material for constructing a building on a hill in a remote town, a truly purist choice. The rough texture of the chapel provides a parallel to abstract expressionism: as the medium of the building, earth, is honest and conspicuous, just as modern painters focused on the medium of their canvases and paint. In addition, the organic, natural materials of the chapel stand in sharp contrast to the glass and steel that show up in the earlier works of Le Corbusier and his International Style colleagues.
The incorporation of the natural environment with the composition of the building continues with the shape. The chapel, on the outside, has a sweeping line, coming to a peak point billowing towards the sky. The entrance to the chapel is nothing more than a slit in the folds of concrete, creating the feeling of an intimate, cave-like enclosure on the inside. The structure feels and sounds cave-like, with its intimate scale and thick walls surrounding dark, hollow space.
Within the chapel, the building follows a traditional layout. In the front is a large altar with a sacristy to the left. A large choir space lines northern edge of the main chapel space, and wooden pews fill the south edge. The main south entrance is situated behind the pews. Several colored windows puncture the thick south wall creating beams of light that burst through the thick material.
The windows, and more broadly the use of light and darkness in the space is one of the most breathtaking features of the structure. The windows, positioned all over the dark wall of the south side of the church, and appearing as holes on the outside, display different shades of primary colors, and inscribed on the panes are excerpts from Marian prayers. The excerpts are simple phrases, such as “étoile du matin,” “pleine de grâce,” and “je vous salue, marie.” These small phrases suggest Le Corbusier’s interest in the poetic and lyrical elements of the spiritual.
The roof of the chapel is a large, curved slab of concrete, underlaid with aluminum. Le Corbusier says that his inspiration for the roof came from a crab shell, though critics have interpreted the sloping curve as shapes diverse as a nun's habit or a boat. 1 The roof appears to hover over the chapel, as a 10 cm band of light pierces through where the seam between walls and roof should be, “to amaze,” as Le Corbusier explains. This gesture reflects earlier themes in Le Corbusier’s work: often, thin stilts supported a large housing block, leaving the ground floor hollow and open. Robert Coombes describes this dramatic feature:
"Le Corbusier raises the roof for symbolic reasons relating to the Assumption. Levitation is astonishing because it denies the laws of gravity. Thus, by denying our expectations—that roofs remain attached to buildings—Le Corbusier signals Ronchamp’s visitors that they are present at a miraculous supernatural event."
It feels strange to mention the supernatural in talking about the calculated and rational Le Corbusier. It is apparent that a shift has occurred, or, perhaps something about the architect’s intentions are, for the first time, being revealed.
Initially, Le Corbusier hesitated to take on the Ronchamp project. He was raised a Protestant, and was understandably wary to accept a project from the Roman Catholic Church. Robert Coombes explains that Le Corbusier undoubtedly offended his colleagues by accepting a commission from the Church. “To the Modernist establishment, Roman Catholicism was anachronistic and reactionary force in the brave new world of scientific rationalism and progress.”
The chapel at Ronchamp is an honest reaction to the philosophical and physical turbulence of modern times. It seeks refuge in the intimate, the curios of mysticism, the lyrical and poetic, the traditional, the religious, and the transcendental. At the same time, it retreats from the front lines of the true avant-garde.
1. Bell, Eugenia and Ezra Stoller. The Chapel at Ronchamp. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1999.
2. Coomes, Robert. Mystical Themes in Le Corbusier’s Architecture in The Chapel Notre-Dame-Du-Haut at Ronchamp: The Ronchamp Riddle. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2000.
3. Le Corbusier. The Chapel at Ronchamp. New York: Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, 1957.
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charlie's angels
City Slickers (1991)
Concept featured in film:Animal growth and development
Location of clip: DVD: Chapter 11- 1:00:42-1:04:00
Play Flickclip Here
Summary of clip: While Billy Crystal and Jack Palance are herding the cattle, they must help a mother give birth to a baby calf. Unfortunately, there are complications during the birth and the mother has to be shot. (Obviously use discretion if the shooting of the mother would be disturbing to your students).
Connection of flickclip to the concept: This clip can be an effective way to start off a unit on animal growth and development. A discussion about how the calf developed and how birth actually occurs can take place. The development of humans and other organisms could be compared and contrasted.
Suggestions to teachers:
1. Suggested questions for students when viewing the clip:
a. How is this birth similar or different to what humans have to go through?
b. What problems can arise during childbirth for all animals?
c. Are human babies able to walk right away?
d. Why might it be important for a calf to be able to walk right away but not as much for a human baby?
2. For a possible assessment after a unit on embryonic development, you can show the clip and then have students describe how the calf must have developed through the various stages. Students can compare this to human development.
3. This clip can be used as an introduction to an activity where students research the development of a wide variety of organisms in terms of structure and function. They then can compare their organism to the cow.
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Front page > Lesson Plans > Math > General > The 10 Commandments of Math - Mathematician's Version
There really are two versions of this one, folks! So we'll call this one the "mathematician's version" and the other one the "classroom version". So now you ask, "what do I do with it?" Hop on over to our Bulletin Boards page for a quick idea (or two!)
The Ten Commandments of Math
1. Thou shalt read thy problem...carefully.
2. Whatsoever thou doest to one side of thy equation, do ye also to the other.
3. Thou must use thy "common sense", else thou wilt have flagpoles 9,000 feet high. Yea, even fathers younger than sons.
4. Thou shalt ignore the teachings of false prophets to do all thy work in thy head.
5. When thou knowest not, thou shalt look it up; and if thy search still elude thee, thou shalt ask thy All-Knowing Teacher.
6. Thou shalt master each step before putting thy heavy foot down on the next.
7. Thy correct answer does not prove that thou hast worked thy problem correctly. This argument convincest none, least of all thy Teacher.
8. Thou shalt first see that thou hast copied thy problem correctly, before bearing false witness that the answer book lieth.
9. Thou shalt look back even unto thy youth and remember thy arithmetic.
10. Thou shalt learn, read, write ,speak, and listen correctly in the language of mathematics, and verily A's and B's shall follow thee even unto graduation.
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Bohrium: the essentials
Bohrium is a synthetic element that is not present in the environment at all. The German discoverers at GSI proposed the name Nielsbohrium (symbol Ns) after Niels Bohr. IUPAC are happy to name an element after Bohr but suggest bohrium (Bh) on the grounds that the first name of a person does not appear in the names of any other element named after a person. This seems to have been accepted by all concerned.
Table: basic information about and classifications of bohrium.
Bohrium: historical information
Bohrium: physical properties
Read more » »
Bohrium: orbital properties
Read more » »
Isolation: only a few atoms of element 107, bohrium, have ever been made. The first atoms were made through a nuclear reaction involving fusion of an isotope of lead, 209Pb, with one of chromium, 54Cr.
209Pb + 54Cr → 262Bh + 1n
Isolation of an observable quantity of bohrium has never been achieved, and may well never be. This is because bohrium decays very rapidly through the emission of α-particles.
249Bk + 22Ne → 266Bh + 51n
249Bk + 22Ne → 267Bh + 41n
In this work, it appears the scientists concerned feel bohrium forms the oxychloride BhClO3.
WebElements Shop
bohrium atomic number
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community engagement Jobs
History Department Encyclopedia of Southern Jewish Communities
Overview >> Texas >> NorthEast Texas >> Waco
, Texas
Jacob De CordovaJacob De CordovaJews have been an integral part of Waco’s development from the original founding of the city. Jacob De Cordova, the son of Sephardic Jewish parents, settled in Texas soon after it won its independence from Mexico. He acquired a large amount of land in the budding republic, and traveled around the United States trying to attract new settlers to Texas. Beginning in 1848, De Cordova laid out a new town along the Brazos River that used to be the home of the Waco Indian tribe. Along with his business partners, he divided the land into plots and sold them to prospective settlers. De Cordova guaranteed the success of this venture when he offered to set aside free land for schools, churches, and a courthouse, which led to the state’s government naming Waco Village the seat of the newly incorporated McLennan County in 1850. Six years later, the village was officially incorporated as Waco. Although he never lived in the town which he helped to establish, De Cordova laid the groundwork for Waco’s rise as a commercial center in the heart of Texas.
Like Texas itself, Waco straddles the South and West. Founded amongst prime cotton growing land, Waco had a significant slave population before the Civil War. After the war, the arrival of the railroad in 1871 turned Waco into a major inland cotton market. Cotton-related industries sprung up in town in the late 19th century, including several cotton mills. In 1868, a spur of the Chisolm Cattle Trail was built into Waco, as the town took on the feel of the Wild West. Within three years, over 600,000 head of cattle had tromped through Waco’s streets on their way north. During the 1870s, saloons and gambling houses proliferated in the frontier town, which gained the nickname “Six Shooter Junction.” Prostitution was legal and regulated in Waco until the early 20th century. With both cotton and cattle shaping the city’s economy, Waco’s culture was a mixture of South and West.
Waco’s Jewish community developed quickly along with the local economy. Jews first arrived in the years just after the Civil War; already by 1870, Waco had a significant Jewish population, which would only grow after the town was linked by the railroad. Jews were drawn to Waco’s burgeoning business opportunities, and most opened up retail stores catering to the farmers and cowboys who came to town. Brothers Bernhard and Alex Alexander arrived from Prussia, opening a dry goods store by 1870. Polish-born Moses Goldstein came to Waco in 1868 with his wife Amanda and their six children, opening a dry goods store. Goldstein also served as a chazzan and shochet for the growing Jewish community.
1874 Sanger ad1874 Sanger store adWherever the Houston and Texas Central Railroad went, a Sanger was sure to follow. Once the track was built through Waco in 1873, Sam Sanger, a brother of the noted Texas retailing family, arrived from Philadelphia to open a branch of the Sanger Brothers dry goods store. Sanger’s store and his wholesale business were very successful and Sam became one of Waco’s leading businessmen. By 1900, the Sanger family had five servants living with them. Sam served on the board of the Waco Cotton Palace, an annual fair and exposition celebrating the city’s primary cash crop. Sam’s son Charles opened a cotton business but later joined the Sanger Brothers operation. The railroad also brought Benjamin Haber, who had lived in several places in Texas since his arrival from Germany in 1856. He came to Waco in 1876, where he set down roots, opening a retail store. Both he and his wife Esther were very active in the Waco Jewish community. Russian-born J.A. Solomon came to Waco in the 1870s, opening a very successful dry goods store.
These Jewish merchants often had to adjust their religious practices to fit American customs and law. According to an account in the Brenham Weekly Banner newspaper in 1879, one unnamed Jewish owner of the Palace Saloon in Waco decided to close his business on the Jewish Sabbath and open it on Sunday, in violation of local blue laws. The saloon owner saw this as a test case, arguing that observing his own religion’s Sabbath should be sufficient. When other local saloon owners complained after he made $350 one Sunday, the man was charged with violating local blue laws and fined. Soon after, the Palace Saloon went back to being closed on Sundays. Indeed, Jewish merchants were unable to survive economically if they closed on Saturdays, forcing them to alter their religious observance.
When newspaper editor Charles Wessolowsky visited Waco in 1879, he was extremely impressed with the city’s economic prospects, writing that it was “destined to become a large and extensive commercial city.” It was these same prospects that attracted Jews to Waco in growing numbers in the late 19th century. Wessolowsky found about thirty Jewish families, claiming that “some of them are indeed front in rank in every branch of industry and commerce.” He singled out Solomon & Co. as having a large store that was equal to any in the country in terms of style and elegance. The Jewish community of Waco grew along with the city itself, which saw its population increase from 3,000 people in 1870 to over 20,000 by 1900.
The growing numbers of Jews in Waco soon began to organize religious institutions. In 1869, twenty Jews founded the Hebrew Benevolent Association, whose primary purpose was to bury the Jewish dead and care for the sick and needy. Most of these founders were young; of the thirteen who could be found in the 1870 census, all but one was under 40 years old. All were immigrants, with most coming from Prussia and Poland. A majority owned dry goods stores, while a few worked as store clerks. Soon after forming, the Benevolent Association bought land for a Jewish cemetery. They also held lavish Purim Balls each year that raised money for the society. By 1874, the local newspaper noted that the Jewish community was “famed for the magnificence of its balls.”
Although founded as a burial and charity society, the Hebrew Benevolent Association soon began holding religious services in a rented room, often led by Moses Goldstein. Jews from small towns in the area would come to town for the high holidays. By 1869, the local newspaper noted that the town’s Jewish-owned stores would be closed for Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. In 1878, the Hebrew Benevolent Association held high holiday services in the county courthouse using a Torah the group had purchased. Members still observed traditional practices, celebrating Rosh Hashanah for two days and keeping kosher. Yet they sought to reach out to the local gentile community, inviting the general public to observe these high holiday services.
Rodef Shalom's first synagogueIn 1873, 36 Waco Jews founded a B’nai B’rith Lodge. It was from this lodge that the push came to establish a permanent congregation. Finally, in 1879, members of the lodge organized Congregation Rodeph Sholom with Sam Sanger as their president. The Hebrew Benevolent Association gave its Torah to the fledgling group, which quickly began raising money for a synagogue. Solomon Lyons led the fundraising effort, soliciting donations from local gentiles as well as Jews in northern cities. Jewish women in Waco established the Ladies Hebrew Aid Society in 1879 “for the purpose of assisting in the erection of a House of Worship and establishing a Sunday School.” The society held several dances to raise money for the building fund, and were able to pay for all of the synagogue’s interior furnishings. In 1881, Rodeph Sholom dedicated its synagogue on Washington Street; Rabbi Jacob Voorsanger of Beth Israel in Houston gave the dedication address. According to a local history published in 1909, when the synagogue was completed, it “was then considered the prettiest religious edifice in Waco.” Byzantine in style, with multiple spires and minarets, Rodeph Shalom’s temple reflected the growing prominence of Jews in Waco.
Rodeph Sholom hired a Rabbi May as their first spiritual leader, but he left shortly after arriving due to health problems. Next, Rabbi Aaron Suhler led the congregation for a few years before he left the rabbinate, though he remained in Waco as a member of Rodeph Sholom. Initially, the congregation did not affiliate with the Reform movement, though they did move away from strict Orthodoxy. In 1890, the congregation advertised for a rabbi who could lead services from the more conservative Minhag Jastrow prayer book and could give sermons in English. Not until 1907 did Rodeph Sholom formally affiliate with the Reform movement, joining the Union of American Hebrew Congregations.
Agudath Jacob in 1913Agudath Jacob's synagogue in 1913, before it was destroyed by a storm. Photo courtesy of the Texas Collection, Baylor UniversityEven though Rodeph Sholom had not fully embraced Reform, the growing number of newly arrived immigrants from Eastern Europe decided not to join Waco’s first Jewish congregation. This group of Orthodox Jews began to meet together in a room above a grocery store in 1886. Two years later, fifteen men, led by A.L. Lipshitz, established Agudath Jacob, the city’s first Orthodox congregation. They initially met in a rented house which they converted into a synagogue. In 1893, they moved to a house on Columbus Street which they used as both a synagogue and Talmud Torah. In 1904, they moved the house aside and built a brick synagogue in its place; they kept the old house, using it as a school building. After a storm destroyed the synagogue, they quickly rebuilt it on the same location in 1914. Soon after forming, Agudath Jacob hired Sam Levy to serve as chazzan, shochet, and mohel. Although he was not a rabbi, Levy played a central role in the congregation for over 50 years. He also butchered kosher chickens for members of Rodeph Sholom, which showed that the city’s oldest Jewish congregation still had traditional members. In 1902, the women of Agudath Jacob founded a Ladies Aid Society, which raised money to support both local and national Jewish causes. Pauline Fred led the society for thirty years as president.
Rodeph Shalom's 2nd buildingRodeph Sholom's second temple, built in 1910According to the American Jewish Year Book, by 1907 600 Jews lived in Waco. Rodeph Sholom had 56 members and $2155 in annual dues income. Agudath Jacob was smaller and poorer, with 45 members and only $1000 in income. Both congregations had religious schools. Agudath Jacob’s school was held each weekday and had thirty students, while Rodeph Sholom’s fifty students received instruction once a week. Both congregations grew over the next decade, with Agudath Israel numbering 75 members in 1919 while Rodeph Sholom had 100 members.
After having a series of short-tenured rabbis, both Rodeph Sholom and Agudath Jacob eventually hired spiritual leaders who had a significant impact on their congregations. Rabbi Isadore Warsaw came to Rodeph Sholom in 1908, and soon began to push for a new synagogue, arguing that their 27-year old building was inadequate to hold the growing congregation and its religious school. With Rabbi Warsaw’s influence, the congregation decided to build a new, larger temple on the same site as their old one, laying the cornerstone for the new structure in 1909. Completed in 1910, Rodeph Sholom’s new home could seat 400 in its sanctuary. Rabbi Warsaw left Waco in 1918 and was replaced by Wolfe Macht, who led Rodeph Sholom for the next 33 years.
Agudath Jacob Basketball team in 1927Agudath Jacob's basketball team in 1927. Photo courtesy of the Texas Collection, Baylor University.Agudath Jacob also outgrew its old facilities. In 1923, the congregation tore down the old house it had been using as an education building, and replaced it with a new Hebrew Institute that had additional classrooms as well as a banquet hall, kitchen, and gymnasium. Agudath Jacob even sponsored its own youth basketball team that used the new gym. The congregation also added a mikveh (ritual bath), which reflected the congregation’s continued observance of Orthodox practice. In 1924, Agudath Jacob hired Rabbi Charles Blumenthal, who led the congregation until 1945.
Waco Jews established several other organizations that pursued a range of goals. In 1882, they established a Russian Refugee Society, headed by Sam Sanger, that helped settle Jewish immigrants fleeing Czarist oppression. Although this group was short-lived, Waco Jews would continue to help settle Jewish immigrants through the work of the Industrial Removal Office and the Galveston Immigration Movement in the early 20th century. In 1887, Jews in Waco founded the Young Men’s Hebrew Association which offered both educational and social programs. The group soon evolved into a purely social organization, changing its name to the Progress Club in 1900 and acquiring a clubhouse that contained a ballroom, dining room, billiard room, and the only roof garden in the city. The social club had 42 members in 1907, most all of whom were affiliated with Rodeph Sholom. Later, another YMHA was established by 1919.
Agudath JacobZionist & American flags on display during event at Agudath Jacobs c. 1910. Photo courtesy of the Texas Collection, Baylor University.
In 1898, members of Agudath Jacob founded the Ezrath Zion Society, which served as both a free loan society and a Zionist organization. The group would lend money at no interest to newly arrived Jewish immigrants to help them get started in a business. In 1913, the group split its functions, creating a new free loan society called G’miluth Chasodim while Ezrath Zion continued to work toward the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine. By 1919, Ezrath Zion had 102 members, while the Daughters of Zion, a women’s group, had 50 members. Both of these Zionist groups were closely affiliated with Agudath Jacob with most of their members being first generation immigrants. In 1927, Jewish women in Waco founded a chapter of Hadassah.
These recent immigrants from Eastern Europe also established a branch of the socialist Workmen’s Circle in 1912. Kalman Solovey, a Latvian immigrant who owned a grocery store, and F. Israel were the founders of the group. The Workmen’s Circle brought Yiddish programs to Waco for many years, while also raising money to help Jewish refugees during World War I and other Jewish causes. In 1931, a Ladies Auxiliary of the circle was established, which focused primarily on charity work.
Indeed charity had long been a focus of the Waco Jewish community. The Hebrew Benevolent Association remained active into the 20th century, drawing significant support from members of both congregations. In 1927, Waco Jews founded the Jewish Federated Charities, which consolidated the various Jewish charity efforts in town. Later the organization changed its name to the Jewish Welfare Council, and in 1984 it became the Jewish Federation of Waco and Central Texas, raising money for local, national, and international Jewish causes.
Waco Jews did not restrict their charity to the Jewish community, often giving money to church building funds. According to a report in the American Israelite newspaper around the turn of the century, “there is not a Christian church in the city or county” which Waco Jews did not help support financially. In 1913, Jewish women in Waco, led by Carrie Sanger Godshaw, founded a local chapter of the Council of Jewish Women. The CJW opened a night school for newly arrived immigrants to help them learn English and started a penny lunch program at a local school. They also had a program to give socks and shoes to needy children. Godshaw was involved in a number of progressive causes in Waco. An activist for women’s suffrage, she founded the local chapter of the League of Women’s Voters. She also established the city’s first Montessori kindergarten in 1916 and served as a director of Planned Parenthood.
Goldstein-MigelThe Goldstein-Migel annex. Photo courtesy of UT-Arlington.As in other southern cities, Waco Jews were heavily concentrated in business, especially retail trade. Jews owned a wide array of businesses in the early 20th century, including stores selling jewelry, clothing, dry goods, and furniture. Perhaps the best known was the Goldstein & Migel Department Store. Isaac Goldstein moved to Waco as a boy in 1868 with his father Moses. In 1888, he opened a dry goods store with his brother-in-law Louey Migel, who had been born in Russia. Their business eventually grew into the city’s largest and best department store. Both Goldstein and Migel became leading figures in Waco civic life. Goldstein was a strong supporter of public libraries, even putting a circulating library in his department store during its early years. He led the effort to build a public library in Waco, donating land and raising money to match a grant from the Carnegie Fund. Goldstein spent nineteen years as president of the Waco Public Library. Goldstein also served many years on the board of the First National Bank of Waco. Migel spent 25 years as president of Rodeph Sholom and donated land for the Waco Boys Club. According to one local history published in 1902, Migel’s “name is almost a household word” in Waco due to his civic involvement. Isaac’s son Aaron Goldstein later took over the department store and followed in his father’s footsteps as a civic leader. Aaron served several terms as a city commissioner and was president of the Waco Chamber of Commerce.
Gussie OscarGussie Oscar. Photo courtesy of the Texas Collection, Baylor University.In a description of Waco’s Jewish community written in 1909, Isaac Goldstein explained that while Jews had not been very involved in local politics, “in enterprise for the upbuilding of our city and in public undertakings they are among the foremost.” One of the most colorful and controversial figures in Waco was Gussie Oscar, who moved to town from Calvert in 1905 to play in the orchestra of the Majestic Theater. By 1911, Oscar conducted an all-female orchestra and later toured the country as a piano player for singer May Irwin. When Oscar returned to Texas, she became the manager of the Waco Auditorium, often challenging local laws and social mores with her programs. Never married, Oscar lived by herself in the honeymoon suite of a local hotel. She challenged local blue laws by showing movies on Sundays. In 1917, she brought in a lecturer on birth control, who spoke to single-sex audiences; the lecturer spoke to women during the day and men during the evening. Oscar also brought in big name stars like Will Rogers, Harry Houdini, and the Marx Brothers to Waco. During the roaring 1920s, Oscar began to bring in risqué plays containing sexual innuendo. One of these plays, Irving Berlin’s “Music Box Review,” led to the arrest of 20 actresses and Oscar herself for indecency. This crackdown led to the closing of the theater as traveling acts would no longer come to Waco. Despite this setback, Oscar remained in show business, booking events at other theaters in Waco and in other towns in the area until her death in 1950.
Waco grew tremendously over the 20th century, greatly aided by the military buildup during the world wars. During World War I, the army built Camp McArthur just outside the city; over 35,000 soldiers were stationed there during the war, matching Waco’s pre-war population. Business boomed in the city during the war and its aftermath. During the depression, Waco suffered as the local cotton industry was decimated. As with the rest of the country, World War II rescued the city financially. Numerous war industry factories were built in addition to several military installations in the area. Connally Air Force Base remained open after the war, as Waco’s population reached 84,000 by 1952. Its Jewish community grew as well, but only slightly, from 1,150 people in 1937 to 1,250 in 1960.
Waco’s downtown was leveled by a catastrophic tornado in 1953, which destroyed almost 600 business buildings in the city and killed 114 people, including two Jews. After the tornado, many businesses relocated to new suburban shopping centers as the downtown district went into decline. In 1966, in another economic blow to the city. Connally Air Force Base closed. Waco’s general population began to decline in the 1960s. At the same time, the Jewish community began to shrink steadily as well. By 1980, only 750 Jews lived in Waco. In 1997, this number was down to an estimated 300 people.
Rodeph SholomRodeph Sholom's current temple, built in 1961. Photo courtesy of Julian PreislerDespite this decline, both of Waco’s congregations have persevered. Agudath Jacob moved to a new synagogue in 1951, where it remained for the next 21 years. In 1966, the congregation reached its peak of 183 member families; that same year, Agudath Jacob decided to move away from Orthodoxy, affiliating with the Conservative movement. When Agudath Jacob dedicated its new synagogue on Hillcrest Drive in 1972, they were down to 153 members. Rodeph Sholom also moved to a new building in the post-war years. With the arrival of the baby boom generation, the congregation soon outgrew its old temple. When the new synagogue was dedicated on North 41st Street in 1961, Rodeph Sholom had 170 contributing members and over 100 children in its religious school. After Rabbi Macht’s retirement in 1952, the congregation hired Charles Lesser and later Amiel Wohl as their spiritual leader. In 1964, Rodeph Sholom hired Rabbi Mordecai Podet, who led the Reform congregation until his retirement in 1988. Podet was very active in the larger community, serving as chairman of the Waco Human Relations Council and president of the Waco Ministerial Alliance.
Bernard rapoportBernard RapoportJews continued to play a leading role in Waco’s civic affairs. During the Civil Rights era, city business leaders founded a committee to handle the integration of public facilities in Waco in 1961. City leaders were worried that the Air Force would close its nearby base if black soldiers were forced to use segregated facilities in the city. With this economic threat, the leaders decided that they needed to integrate. A.M. Goldstein of the Goldstein-Migel Department Store led this committee which worked quietly to integrate the city’s stores and other public places without protests or unrest. Bernard Rapoport was raised in a politically radical family in San Antonio. Although he later became a successful businessman, creating the American Income Life Insurance Company, he never forgot his progressive roots. Rapoport has been actively involved in both state and national politics as a major funder of the Democratic Party. He and his wife Audre have endowed several chairs at the University of Texas at Austin and other universities.
Today, Waco is a growing city, but its Jewish community continues to decline. Most of the Jewish children raised in the city have moved away to larger cities seeking greater economic and social opportunities. Rodeph Sholom, which had 161 families in 1995, had only 98 in 2011. Agudath Jacob is even smaller, with about 80 member households in 2011. Despite their small size, both congregations employ full-time rabbis. Gordon Fuller has led Agudath Jacob since 2004, while Rabbi Mordecai Rotem serves as the spiritual leader of Rodeph Sholom.
Published 2011
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Linkages are an essential part of many mechanisms. They can be used to change direction, alter speed and change the timing of moving parts.
In the hammering man example two linked linkages are used to convert the small linear movement of the drive shaft (bottom left) into first a rotational body movement and secondly a fast hammer movement. Compare the speed of the hammer with the speed of the drive shaft!
The basic 4 bar linkage. All four bars make up a parallelogram. Two, equal length orange shafts and the distance between the joints on the red moving bar and yellow fixed bar being equal. The movement of the top arrange shaft exactly shadows the movement of the lower orange bar.
By changing these lengths and the lengths of the other bars different movements can be achieved.
Different Lengths. This time, two different lengths of bar, the two long bars, yellow and red are the same length as before.
Look at the tip of the red shaft, notice how it moves smoothly until the last second then flips to the right. The same effect is used in the Motley Man in my book Paper Automata to make him look up at the last moment of his bow.
Quite an extreme arrangement this! With the two long bars crossing over each other. A more extreme 'kick' in the orange bar this time at the end of the green bar's travel. Looks like a likely mechanism for a model!
Bell Crank
The bell crank is used to convert the direction of reciprocating movement. By varying the angle of the crank piece it can be used to change the angle of movement from 1 degree to 180 degrees. The bell crank was originally used in large house to operate the servant’s bell, hence the name.
“Jeeves, where’s my tea?!”
Download and make your own bell crank mechanism here.
There's an updated animation here:
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Bilbao (bēlbäˈō) [key], city (1990 pop. 383,798), capital of Vizcaya prov., N Spain, in the Basque Country, on both banks of the Nervión River, near the Bay of Biscay. A leading Spanish port and commercial center since the 19th cent., it is at the heart of an important industrial area with iron mines nearby. Its banks make it a financial center. Steel, chemicals, and ships are the chief manufactures, though they have declined. Bilbao is also a center for high technology firms. It has a subway, an opera house, and several museums, including the Museum of Fine Art; the Basque Archaeological, Ethnographical, and Historical Museum; and the spectacular Guggenheim Museum (1997). Founded c.1300 on the site of an ancient settlement, Bilbao flourished because of a wool export trade in the 15th and 16th cent. In the 19th cent. it was besieged by the Carlists three times. In the Spanish civil war, Bilbao was the seat of the Basque autonomous government from 1936 until its capture (1937) by the Nationalists.
See more Encyclopedia articles on: Spanish and Portuguese Political Geography
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Salt definition - Medical Dictionary definitions of popular medical terms easily defined on MedTerms
Definition of Salt
Salt: In medicine, salt usually refers to sodium chloride, table salt, used for seasoning food, for the preservation of meat, etc. Salt is found in the earth and in sea water and is isolated by evaporation and crystallization from sea water and other water impregnated with particles of salt.
The salt content of food is usually given in terms of "Sodium." For example, the label on a can of lentil soup may list "Sodium 440mg" per cup (242g).
The adjective for "salt" most often used in medicine is not salty but "saline."
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Back to MedTerms online medical dictionary A-Z List
Pill Identifier Tool
Need help identifying pills and medications?
Use the pill finder tool on RxList.
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A paradigm is a unique collection of signs. With the application of the appropriate rules, compound signs, or syntagms, can be constructed from the paradigm. The notions of paradigm and syntagm underlie many of the semiotics methods that are used in the study of human communication.
A paradigm is a collection of signs. The next picture shows an example of a paradigm.
paradigm of
A Paradigm of Colored Lights
The elements of a paradigm do not necessarily have meaning in and of themselves. Most often they take on meaning as they are combined into more complex patterns of signs called syntagms. For example, here are three syntagms that might be formed from the paradigm of colored lights.
syntagm of lights
Syntagms Formed from the Paradigm
Syntagms can rather quickly become quite complex. In this example there are six elements in the paradigm -- three colors of lights each of which is either on or off. The particular set of syntagms shown above is only one of many that could be constructed from the paradigm. For example, here are three additional syntagms.
new syntagms
More Syntagms Formed from the Same Paradigm
Many different types of rules can be used during the construction of a syntagm. Here the rules involve colors of light chosen (no more than one color is ever used), the positioning of the lights (in this case the lights are organized vertically), and the display of the lights (no more than one light is ever turned on at the same time).
The rules that are used to construct a syntagm can only be applied to the elements of a paradigm. Elements that are not in the paradigm cannot be used. For example, this syntagm could not be constructed from the paradigm shown above.
illegal syntagm
Illegal Syntagm
This symbol, 1 arrow, is not part of the paradigm. Therefore, this syntagm, 2 arrows, cannot be formed from the paradigm, and neither can the light shown in the previous illustration.
The concepts of paradigm and syntagm are central to semiotic theory. Various approaches to the analysis of communication texts by semiotic means begin by first identifying the paradigm and sytagms involved, and semiotic scholars study the way syntagms are formed and used as an approach to understanding how meaning arises during the communication process. exampleparadigm and syntagm q1002 q1031 q1033
[sample paradigmatic analysis]
No matter how strictly a case is argued - scientifically, philosophically, or legally - it will always be a story, an interpretation of some aspect of the world that is historically and culturally grounded and shaped by human personality. - Walter Fisher
Human beings have a remarkable ability to shape information into the form that is known as the "story." Rather than organizing data in terms of facts and logical relationships, humans tend to organize their information in term of characters, plots, motivations and actions. This type of organization is called narrative.
Perhaps no aspect of human language has been studied so diligently as narrative. These studies are much too extensive even to summarize adequately here, but most readers will have studied literature in high school, and so will have a basic understanding of narrative form.
The syntagmatic analysis that follows is an example of the study of narrative. In this case the analysis applies a theory of narrative structure that was developed by Russian scholar Vladimir Propp. Propp discovered that Russion folk tales all had a similar structure. Today that structure is known as "Propp's Morphology."
[Propp's Morphology: a sample syntagmatic analysis] q1032
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Data Collection, Analysis and Reporting|Research Question 2
The Importance of Mortality Studies
Because the vicuna is the main prey of the puma, it is particularly important to determine how many newborns (in this case vicuna newborns) are killed by predators (in this case pumas) before newborns complete their first year of life.
This is important because the number of newborns that survived puma predation during their first year is, more or less, the number of potentially reproductive adults that are being added to the population of vicunas every year.
Knowing this allows biologists in charge of conserving or managing both large predators (wolves, bears, lions, jaguars, cheetahs and…of course pumas) and their large prey species** to predict the size of the population and to make decisions to enhance both species’ survival.
** Scientists classify the camelids (vicunas, guanacos, llamas, alpacas, dromedary and Bactrian came) as Ungulates. This group also includes all species of deer, pigs, wild boars, cows, wildebeest, antelope, pronghorn, buffalo, moose, caribou, impala, domestic cattle, sheep, and goats.
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Megan Candelaria
Jan Truchot
After one year monitoring the marked animals, researchers obtained the following information for each marked newborn. (Note: dates are in the format day/month/year.)
table of results
Frequency refers to the unique number given to the transmitter attached to the animal.
Name refers to the name the researchers gave to each animal.
Weight refers to birth weight (in grams) of each marked individual.
Survived refers to whether an animal reached one year of age (YES) or died before doing so (NO).
If an animal survived no more information was collected.
If an animal died, then the time and cause of death are also recorded.
If the cause of death cannot be determined, it is listed as "unidentified".
Analyze the Data:
Survival Numbers:
• How many newborns survived to their first birthday?
• How many died before their first birthday?
Survival Percentage:
• What percentage of newborns survived?
• What percentage died before their first birthday?
Gender Distribution:
• What percent of the newborns were males, and what percent were females?
• What percent of the newborns who survived were males, and what percent were female?
Birth Weight:
• What was the average birth weight of those newborns that survived?
• What was the average birth weight of those newborns that died?
Cause of Death:
• What percent of the newborns who died were killed by pumas?
Summarize your results:
Write a short report summarizing your findings.
Compare Your Analysis and Findings with the Researcher's Analysis and Findings
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Friedrich August von Alberti
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Friedrich von Alberti
Friedrich August von Alberti (September 4, 1795 – September 12, 1878) was a German geologist whose ground-breaking 1834 publication[1] recognized the unity of the three characteristic strata that compose the sedimentary deposits of the Triassic period in Northern Europe. From the fossils contained in the three distinct layers— of red bed sandstones, capped by chalk (Muschelkalk), followed by black shales— that are found throughout Germany and Northwest Europe, and are called the 'Trias' (Latin trias meaning triad), Alberti detected that they formed a single stratigraphic formation; today it would be termed a system. He identified the Triassic as bearing a unique fossil fauna, bounded by the Permian extinction below and by another extinction above.
Alberti grew up in Stuttgart and Rottweil where he was educated at the Gymnasium and went to the military school in Stuttgart. Afterwards he went back to Rottweil, a town 100 km (62 mi) south of Stuttgart. He learned the salt processing system and became a Salinentechniker (salt technician). He was quickly promoted to Salineninspektor (salt supervisor). In 1823, based on his perception of the area's geology, he had an idea to drill for salt in Rottenmünster. Eight months later the team had success and found salt, in a location where no one would have considered the possibility of finding salt.
He also made excavations in the Roman ruins of Rottweil, the ancient Arae Flaviae; he published his findings from 1833 to 1837.
Alberti bought a house and lived in Rottenmünster, a former abbey 2 miles from Rottweil, from 1829 to 1853. While there he worked as manager for two salt companies. After he retired he moved to Heilbronn. He took a position as advisor, salt technician, and geologist. He had excellent skills in understanding sandstone and limestone. He discovered that if you find combinations of these two kinds of stone together, you will always find salt. He wrote books on his experiences of looking and drilling for salt.[2]
He invented the method of mining salt by pumping water into the mine; when the brine rose to the surface, he would allow the water to evaporate and then he would collect the salt.
The Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen gave Friedrich August von Alberti an honorary doctorate for his achievements in the salt-mining industry. The city honored him with a street in his name.
Alberti was very well thought of and popular. People liked him for his personality, his happiness, and the fact that he was very open and honest to everyone. After he died his family stayed in Rottweil, where also a street bears his name. Today many of his descendants still live in the town.
In Bad Friedrichshall, also a former salt town, a school is named after him, the Friedrich-von-Alberti-Gymnasium.
1. ^ Monographie des Bunten Sandsteins, Muschelkalks und Keupers, und die Verbindung dieser Gebilde zu einer Formation (Stuttgart-Tübingen: Cotta), 1834
2. ^ F. A. von Alberti, Halurgische Geologie, 1852
Further reading[edit]
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What is 'Utility'
"Utility" is an economic term introduced by Daniel Bernoulli referring to the total satisfaction received from consuming a good or service. The economic utility of a good or service is important to understand because it will directly influence the demand, and therefore price, of that good or service. A consumer's utility is hard to measure, however, but it can be determined indirectly with consumer behavior theories, which assume that consumers will strive to maximize their utility.
If, for example, an individual judges that a piece of pizza will yield 10 utils and that a bowl of pasta will yield 12 utils, that individual will know that eating the pasta will be more satisfying. For the producers of pizza and pasta, knowing that the average bowl of pasta will yield 2 additional utils will help them price pasta slightly higher than pizza.
Additionally, utils can decrease as the number of products or services as consumption increases. The first slice of pizza may yield 10 utils, but as more pizza is consumed, the utils may decrease as people become full. This will help consumers understand how to maximize their utility by allocating their money between multiple types of goods and services as well as help companies understand how to structure tiered pricing.
The Definition of Total Utility
Total utility (TU) is defined as the total amount of satisfaction that a person can receive from the consumption of all units of a specific product or service. Using the example above, if a person can only consume three slices of pizza and the first slice of pizza consumed yields 10 utils, the second slice of pizza consumed yields 8 utils and the third slice yields 2 utils, the total utility of pizza would be 20 utils.
TU can be infinite. Its upper boundary is set by the total number of a good or service available for consumption by a consumer.
The Definition of Marginal Utility
Marginal utility (MU) is defined as the additional utility gained from the consumption of one additional unit of a good or service. Using the same example, if the utility of the first slice of pizza is 10 utils and the utility of the second slice is 8 utils, the MU of eating the second slice is 8 utils. If the utility of a third slice is 2 utils, the MU of eating that third slice is 2 utils.
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The Strength Of A Single LEGO Brick
The Strength Of A Single LEGO Brick
Why does stepping on a LEGO hurt so badly? First, the bottom of your foot is a sensitive area with many nerve endings to communicate pain. Second, the bricks are designed to be extremely hard, meaning they will withstand the pressure of your weight. And because the bricks are small, they hurt even more—pressure is equal to the amount of force divided by the area to which that force is applied.
Key Facts In This Video
• 1
The standard unit for pressure is the pascal, which is Newtons per meter squared. (0:20)
• 2
Because your weight is concentrated over a much smaller area when you step on a LEGO brick than when you step on the ground, it hurts very much. (1:51)
• 3
It's possible to lay on a bed of nails because your body weight is spread out over the nails, and the pressure is distributed. (2:28)
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Thomas Guthrie Marquis
An Iroquois war-party twelve hundred strong spent the winter of 1648-49 on the upper Ottawa; and as the snows began to melt under the thaws of spring these insatiable slayers of men directed their steps towards Huronia. The frontier village on the east was now St Ignace, on the west of the Sturgeon river, about seven miles from Ste Marie. It was strongly fortified and formed a part of a mission of the same name, under the care of Brebeuf and Father Gabriel Lalemant, a nephew of Jerome Lalemant. About a league distant, midway to Ste Marie, stood St Louis, another town of the mission, where the two fathers lived. On the 16th of March the inhabitants of St Ignace had no thought of impending disaster. The Iroquois might be on the war-path, but they would not come while yet ice held the rivers and snow lay in the forests. But that morning, just as the horizon began to glow with the first colours of the dawn, the sleeping Hurons woke to the sound of the dreaded war-whoop. The Iroquois devils had breached the walls. Three Hurons escaped, dashed along the forest trail to St Louis, roused the village, and then fled for Ste Marie, followed by the women and children and those too feeble to fight. There were in St Louis only about eighty warriors, but, not knowing the strength of the invaders, they determined to fight. The Hurons begged Brebeuf and Lalemant to fly to Ste Marie; but they refused to stir. In the hour of danger and death they must remain with their flock, to sustain the warriors in the battle and to give the last rites of the Church to the wounded and dying.
Having made short work of St Ignace, the Iroquois came battering at the walls of St Louis before sunrise. The Hurons resisted stubbornly; but the assailants outnumbered them ten to one, and soon hacked a way through the palisades and captured all the defenders remaining alive, among them Brebeuf and Lalemant.
The Iroquois bound Brebeuf and Lalemant and led them back to St Ignace, beating them as they went. There they stripped the two priests and tied them to stakes. Brebeuf knew that his hour had come. Him the savages made the special object of their diabolical cruelty. And, standing at the stake amid his yelling tormentors, he bequeathed to the world an example of fortitude sublime, unsurpassed, and unsurpassable. Neither by look nor cry nor movement did he give sign of the agony he was suffering. To the reviling and abuse of the fiends he replied with words warning them of the judgment to come. They poured boiling water on his head in derision of baptism; they hung red-hot axes about his naked shoulders; they made a belt of pitch and resin and placed it about his body and set it on fire. By every conceivable means the red devils strove to force him to cry for mercy. But not a sound of pain could they wring from him. At last, after four hours of this torture, a chief cut out his heart, and the noble servant of God quitted the scene of his earthly labours.
Project Gutenberg
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The Quest of the Golden Fleece
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This is the title of a poem by Apollonius of Rhodes who lived in the third-century AD. The poem deals with a Greek king, Athamas and his two wives. His first wife, Nephele was afraid of her two children (especially Phrixus, one of the two children) being killed by Ino, the soon-to-be second wife. Nephele, herself, was killed by the king, and Athamas subsequently married his second wife, Princess Ino. She came from a great family; Ino was the daughter of King Thebes. Ino had an urge to kill Phrixus, the boy, so that her children (presumably from an earlier marriage) would inherit the Athamas' kingdom. Princess Ino had thought up an elaborate plan to do away with Prince Phrixus. To accomplish this plan, Princess Ino had to gather all of the corn seed on Athamas' farm and then parch the seeds so that the crop would not grow, a task which she accomplished. When the king became aware of the crop not growing, he sent a messenger to an oracle to ask what he should do. Princess Ino intercepted the messenger and persuaded, most likely through bribery, to say to the king that the crop would not grow unless the king offered up Prince Phrixus as a sacrifice.
The people of the region in Greece, who feared starvation, convinced King Athamas to permit the death of Phrixus. At the time of the death of Phrixus and his sister, who was included in this sacrifice, each were taken to the altar. Then, a ram with a fleece of pure gold, took the two and threw them into the air. Hermes had sent him and his sister in answer to their mother's prayers.
The ram, Prince Phrixus and his sister, Helle, travelled across Europe and into Asia. When they entered Asia, Helle fell into a body of water and as a result, drowned. However, Phrixus and the ram safely arrived in the country of Colchis on the Black Sea. The Colchians were kind to Phrixus and they even let him marry one of King Æetes' daughters. It was at this time that Phrixus sacrificed the ram that had saved him to Zeus and he gave the golden fleece to King Æetes, who was the Colchian king.
Phrixus had a cousin by the name of Pelias and he was the one who killed his own father to gain control of a kingdom in Greece. However, the king had a young son who was the rightful heir to the kingdom, and this man was Jason. Jason had been sent away to a safe place where he could grow into a bold man who would take away the kingdom from his wicked cousin, Pelias.
Pelias was told by an oracle that he would be killed by a kinsmen one day who would be wearing only one sandal. Such a man did come to the town in time and he did wear just one sandal. Pelias became afraid. For it was Jason who was the one who only shod one sandal. Jason told Pelias that he came to recover the kingdom that was rightfully his and that the kingdom should be ruled rightly, without evil. Pelias agreed to hand over the kingdom, but under one condition: The condition was that the dead Phrixus wanted the Golden Fleece returned from King Æetes, which would bring the spirit of Phrixus back to his home. Pelias asked that Jason go on the journey as opposed to himself, for he was old and Jason was young and strong. So Pelias promised to give up the kingdom on the return of Jason with the Golden Fleece. Jason agreed and organized Hercules, Orpheus, Castor, Pollux, Achilles' father, Peleus and many more. This group of men were subsequently known as the Argonauts. Hera was also with Jason, to remind him not to leave behind a dying life.
Jason and the Argonauts (which was named after their ship, the Argo) first sailed to Lemnos, an island where only women lived. Only one man, the king, was left on the island. Although the women had risen up against the men on the island by killing them, they gladly helped the Argonauts with gifts of food and wine.
The Argonauts travelled to where the Harpies lived. The Harpies were flying creatures with hooked beaks and claws who left an awful odour whenever they go. The Argonauts met an old man with the power of prophecy who had a problem. Every time Phineus, the prophet, came to eat, the Harpies would come and take the food, leaving nothing left. He was left withered and weak from the lack of food. The Argonauts decided that they would help fix this problem. Two men from the Argonauts who were sons of Boreas (the great North Wind) helped because the prophet knew that only two men were needed to defeat the Harpies (this was because Phineus was a prophet). The two brothers took their position while the old man started to eat. Sure enough, the Harpies attempted to snatch the food away from the prophet. However, the sons of Boreas followed the Harpies, who had already taken the food from Phineus. They took their swords and hit the Harpies. However, they wanted to kill the flying monsters. But they remembered that these beasts were the act of Zeus and that they should not kill them. The old man thanked the Argonauts for their help and offered some advice for navigating through the Clashing Rocks, the next encounter on their journey. He said that to navigate through them safely, one should send a dove through first. If the dove survived and wasn't crushed by the rocks, the ship would survive. If the dove died, then the ship would not survive.
The next morning the Argonaut sailed off with a dove to the Clashing Rocks. They set the dove free and the dove made it through with the exception of the bird's tail feathers, which were cut off by the rolling rocks. Next, the ship went through, and, like what the prophet said, the ship survived and passed through safely, but part of the stern of the ship was cut off, like the tail feathers of the bird.
The Argonauts quickly sailed on and they passed by the country of the Amazons, because they knew that the Amazons were not gentle foes. They continued on, travelling all day. Finally, at sunset, they arrived in Colchis, home of the Golden Fleece.
On Mount Olympus, Hera went to seek Aphrodite's help. Since Hera had been overseeing the adventure, she knew that there was danger involved and discussed the matter with Aphrodite. To help the Argonauts, Aphrodite told Hera that she would send Cupid, Aphrodite's son, to the Colchis and would make the daughter of the Colchian king fall in love with Jason. Medea was the daughter of King Æetes. But Medea was a powerful magician and she could save the Argonauts if they ever were in trouble.
While this was going on, the Argonauts made their way to the city to ask the king for the Golden Fleece. Hera wrapped the Argonauts in a mist so they wouldn't be seen until they arrived at the palace. King Æetes welcomed them to Colchis and was hospitable to them. Princess Medea also made her way into the palace to see what these visitors, who had entered the palace, were doing. As Princess Medea lay eyes upon Jason, Cupid, who was sent by Aphrodite to make the two fall in love, drew his bow and shot an arrow into the heart of Medea. Amazed by the sight of Jason, she quickly returned to her chambers.
King Æetes gave the Argonauts something to eat, making sure to take care of the needs of the guest. It was only after this that King Æetes decided to ask what the men were doing in Colchis. They responded by saying that they were seeking the Golden Fleece in hopes to return it back to Greece. King Æetes was angered now for he did not like foreigners and he did not like the reason why they came to Colchis. He did not like the idea of the Golden Fleece leaving Colchis, but he said that if Jason proved his courage, Jason must do what the king himself has already done. He said that Jason must harness two flame-breathing bulls whose feet were made of bronze and to plow a field with them. As well, he must take the teeth of a dragon and grow them as if they were corn seeds. A crop of armed men would grow and he must fight this crop of armed men. The king said that he must do this if he wants the Golden Fleece returned. It was an impossible task but Jason accepted the challenge.
Jason thought of Medea, who would be able to help him complete this challenge. If she could invoke a magic spell to help him, he could defeat the bulls and the dragon-teethed men. Both agreed to this plan and Medea gave Jason a charm that when it was sprinkled over his weapons, he and his weapons would become invincible for a day. As well, he was given a stone that if too many men attacked him, he could throw the stone at the enemy. This would make the enemy turn on one another and fight each other.
Later on, Jason made his way to the field where the king and the other Colchians were. Soon enough, the bulls started to attack Jason, but Jason had the charm with him and he resisted the attack like a rock to the waves. After he defeated the bulls, many men rushed to attack him. Jason used the charm once again to make the warriors turn on each other and fight. Like Medea said, the warriors did so, and Jason's challenge was fulfilled.
The king returned to the palace, now thinking that he won't give the Golden Fleece. Meanwhile, Medea met the Argonauts and asked if she could join them on their journeys. She also told them to quickly get the Golden Fleece from a serpent which was guarding the sacred wool. Again, Medea worked her magic by lulling the serpent to sleep. The Argonauts grabbed the fleece and quickly retreated from where the serpent was lying.
By now, the king had found out what the Argonauts had done. So, King Æetes sent in son, Asyrtus, in pursuit of the Argonauts. He led an army much larger than that of the Argonauts. However, to even the odds, Medea killed her brother, Asyrtus. There were many stories as to how he died. The two that seem to be the most sensible were either the incident where Medea invited her brother to talk and while doing so, Jason would kill him by striking him down. The alternative was that Asyrtus came aboard the Argo (for reasons unknown). While on board, Medea killed him by cutting him up into pieces. King Æetes, in this case, would be commanding the ship that was trailing the Argo. Medea would then dump the mutilated body of her brother into the sea. The king then stopped the pursuit to pick up the pieces from the ocean. However, it is not known what exactly happened to the death of Asyrtus. In any case, the Argonauts had escaped.
On the return trip, they had to pass through the rock of Scylla and the whirlpool of Charybdis, most dangerous natural occurrences, however, Hera guided the Argonauts to safety. Another incident occurred when they sailed to Crete. They landed there, by the request of Medea, for she knew a man by the name of Talus. He was the last man left of the ancient bronze race. He was a creature made all of bronze except for one ankle - this was the only point where he was vulnerable. However, he was not a kind man because he threatened to crush the Argo if the Argonauts approached. Medea sensed this and made Talus crape his vulnerable ankle and he bled to death.
When the Argo reached Greece, the Argonauts disbanded leaving Jason and Medea taking the Golden Fleece to Pelias. When they arrived, Jason and Medea found that Pelias had forced Jason's father to kill himself and his mother had died of grief. Jason asked Medea for ways to punish Pelias. They accomplished this by convincing Pelias that there was a way to make the old young again. To prove this, they took an old ram and sacrificed it. Medea used one of her charms and turned the old ram, that was now in boiling water, into a young lamb. So, to make Pelias young again, Medea convinced Pelias' daughters to cut Pelias up. However, when this was complete, both Jason and Medea had vanished, leaving Pelias killed by his own daughters. If there was one benefit from this, it was that Jason had his revenge now.
It has also been said that Medea offered Jason to make Jason's father young again, and this might have happened. By doing this, she gave Jason the secret to perpetual youth.
Jason and Medea moved to Corinth where they had two sons. Medea missed her family in Colchis but her love for Jason seemed to be more important. All this for a man who would eventually betray her. The first example of this occurred when Jason married the daughter of the King of Corinth. As a result of the King of Corinth fearing the powers of Medea, the King ordered Medea and her two helpless children out of the country. While alone one day, Medea thought of Jason, and suddenly, Jason himself appeared. She said nothing but Jason said that if it wasn't for Medea's comments to the king about her powers, she could have still lived in Corinth. He had come to Medea now because he was not a man to fail a friend, and he would see that she had plenty of gold and everything necessary for her journey. However, Medea was very angry. Through her words, she explained that it was she that was the one who obtained the Golden Fleece by conquering the bulls, the dragon-men and the serpent warder of the Fleece. Jason retorted by saying that he had not been save by her but by Aphrodite who had made Medea fall in love with him. He also said that she owed him a great deal for moving her to Greece, a "civilized country". Medea, who was an intelligent woman, knew that he was being stubborn and said nothing more. Medea wanted revenge. So, she decided that she would kill Jason's bride. She decided that she would take a robe and anointed it with deadly drugs. She then placed it into a casket and told her sons to deliver it to the new bride. To ensure that she would die, she would have to wear it at once. The princess received this gift and wore it at once. No sooner had she put it on when a fire devoured her, melting her flesh away. She had died.
When Medea knew that the deed was done, she turned her mind to one more dreadful task. This task was far more dreadful, for she was going to kill her own two sons. She did so, but not without feeling sorrow for what she had done. But when Jason realized Medea had killed her bride, he was determined to kill Medea. But when he arrived at Medea's house, she had already left in a chariot that was drawn by dragons. As this occurred, Jason cursed her, but not himself, for what had happened.
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Experiments on humans
HideShow resource information
• Created by: Elca
• Created on: 17-05-15 22:12
What is human experimentation?
Testing products usually medicines on paid human volunteers.
How does human experimentation work?
• Volunteer for certain drugs.
• Given the drug and monitored for different side-effects.
• Paid for it.
• e.g. whole range of men done a drug trial that went wrong - multiple organ failure, amputated toes and some showed signs of Cancer.
What are the arguments in the human
Are there any sources on human experimentation that discuss religious point's of view specifically??
Similar Religious Studies resources:
See all Religious Studies resources »See all Morality resources »
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The Color of Water
Ruth McBride was born in Poland in 1921. Ruth Jordan was a Jewish immigrant to the United States. Her family traveled around the country as her father tried to capitalize on his difference as a rabbi. The family could not make a living this way, and eventually settled down in Suffolk, Virginia, and opened a general store. They lived above the store, which was located in the mostly black section of town.
Ruth's father, Tateh, was racist, and overcharged his black customers. Ruth resisted her father's prejudices and pity with the black people in her town. She recognized that the Ku Klux Klan, and the white population in general, fostered a tense, violence atmosphere. As a Jew, Ruth found herself excluded from the white world of the South, and felt she could partially identify with the hardships of her black neighbors.
Ruth's adult life differed greatly from her life with her family in...
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Definitions for
Overview of noun rings
The noun rings has 1 senses? (no senses from tagged texts)
1. rings
Overview of noun ring
The noun ring has 9 senses? (first 3 from tagged texts)
1. (4) ring
(a characteristic sound; "it has the ring of sincerity")
2. (2) ring, halo, annulus, doughnut, anchor ring
3. (2) hoop, ring
4. closed chain, ring
((chemistry) a chain of atoms in a molecule that forms a closed loop)
5. gang, pack, ring, mob
6. ring, ringing, tintinnabulation
(the sound of a bell ringing; "the distinctive ring of the church bell"; "the ringing of the telephone"; "the tintinnabulation that so voluminously swells from the ringing and the dinging of the bells"
7. ring
(a platform usually marked off by ropes in which contestants box or wrestle)
8. ring, band
9. band, ring
Overview of verb ring
The verb ring has 6 senses? (first 4 from tagged texts)
1. (15) ring, peal
(sound loudly and sonorously; "the bells rang")
2. (7) resound, echo, ring, reverberate
(ring or echo with sound; "the hall resounded with laughter")
3. (5) ring, knell
4. (1) call, telephone, call up, phone, ring
5. surround, environ, ring, skirt, border
(extend on all sides of simultaneously; encircle; "The forest surrounds my property")
6. ring, band
(attach a ring to the foot of, in order to identify; "ring birds"; "band the geese to observe their migratory patterns") © 2001-2013, Demand Media, all rights reserved. The database is based on Word Net a lexical database for the English language. see disclaimer
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Large public corporations as we know them (C corporations) were created by industrialists in the late 19th and early 20th centuries who were seeking a way to privatize profits while socializing liability. In other words, the shareholders receive all the profits while everybody else in society assumes the risk when they fail. That is exactly what allows them to grow to such immense size and wield so much power. It is such a great deal for the shareholders that thousands of people will invest millions or even billions of dollars without knowing or caring what they do.
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Stereographic projection of the duocylinder's ridges (see below), as a flat torus. The ridge is rotating on XW plane.
The duocylinder, or double cylinder, is a geometric object embedded in 4-dimensional Euclidean space, defined as the Cartesian product of two disks of radii r1 and r2:
D = \{ (x,y,z,w) | x^2+y^2\leq r_1^2,\ z^2+w^2\leq r_2^2 \}
It is analogous to a cylinder in 3-space, which is the Cartesian product of a disk with a line segment. But unlike the cylinder, both hypersufaces (of a regular duocylinder) are congruent.
Bounding 3-manifolds[edit]
The duocylinder is bounded by two mutually perpendicular 3-manifolds with torus-like surfaces, described by the equations:
x^2 + y^2 = r_1^2, z^2 + w^2 \leq r_2^2
z^2 + w^2 = r_2^2, x^2 + y^2 \leq r_1^2
The duocylinder is so called because these two bounding 3-manifolds may be thought of as 3-dimensional cylinders 'bent around' in 4-dimensional space such that they form closed loops in the XY and ZW planes. The duocylinder has rotational symmetry in both of these planes.
The ridge[edit]
The ridge of the duocylinder is the 2-manifold that is the boundary between the two bounding tori. It is in the shape of a Clifford torus, which is the Cartesian product of two circles. Intuitively, it may be constructed as follows: Roll a 2-dimensional rectangle into a cylinder, so that its top and bottom edges meet. Then roll the cylinder in the plane perpendicular to the 3-dimensional hyperplane that the cylinder lies in, so that its two circular ends meet.
The resulting shape is topologically equivalent to a Euclidean 2-torus (a doughnut shape). However, unlike the latter, all parts of its surface are identically deformed. On the doughnut, the surface around the 'doughnut hole' is deformed with negative curvature while the surface outside is deformed with positive curvature.
The ridge of the duocylinder may be thought of as the actual global shape of the screens of video games such as Asteroids, where going off the edge of one side of the screen leads to the other side. It cannot be embedded without distortion in 3-dimensional space, because it requires two degrees of freedom in addition to its inherent 2-dimensional surface in order for both pairs of edges to be joined.
The duocylinder can be constructed from the 3-sphere by "slicing" off the bulge of the 3-sphere on either side of the ridge. The analog of this on the 2-sphere is to draw minor latitude circles at +/- 45 degrees and slicing off the bulge between them, leaving a cylindrical wall, and slicing off the tops, leaving flat tops. This operation is equivalent to removing select vertices/pyramids from polytopes, but since the 3-sphere is smooth/regular you have to generalize the operation.
The dihedral angle between the two 3-d hypersurfaces on either side of the ridge is 90 degrees.
Parallel projections of the duocylinder into 3-dimensional space and its cross-sections with 3-dimensional space both form cylinders. Perspective projections of the duocylinder form torus-like shapes with the 'doughnut hole' filled in.
Relation to other shapes[edit]
The duocylinder is the limiting shape of duoprisms as the number of sides in the constituent polygonal prisms approach infinity. The duoprisms therefore serve as good polytopic approximations of the duocylinder.
In 3-space, a cylinder can be considered intermediate between a cube and a sphere. In 4-space there are three intermediate forms between the tesseract (1-ball × 1-ball × 1-ball × 1-ball) and the hypersphere (4-ball). They are the:
• cubinder (2-ball × 1-ball × 1-ball), whose surface consists of four cylindrical cells and one square torus.
• spherinder (3-ball × 1-ball), whose surface consists of three cells - two spheres, and the region in between.
• duocylinder (2-ball × 2-ball), whose surface consists of two toroidal cells.
The duocylinder is the only one of the above three that is regular. These constructions correspond to the five partitions of 4, the number of dimensions.
See also[edit]
• The Fourth Dimension Simply Explained, Henry P. Manning, Munn & Company, 1910, New York. Available from the University of Virginia library. Also accessible online: The Fourth Dimension Simply Explained—contains a description of duoprisms and duocylinders (double cylinders)
• The Visual Guide To Extra Dimensions: Visualizing The Fourth Dimension, Higher-Dimensional Polytopes, And Curved Hypersurfaces, Chris McMullen, 2008, ISBN 978-1438298924
External links[edit]
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Article Comment
Ask Rufus: Where did that name come from?
The name Tombigbee comes from a Choctaw word meaning “box maker.” This 1905 post card shows the site of French Fort Tombecbe which was constructed in 1736 on the river about 75 miles south of present day Columbus.
Rufus Ward
More so than any other single question, I am asked about the origin of local names. What does Tombigbee mean? What is West Point west of? What does the Military Road have to do with the military? Our region abounds in interesting names. I will try to shed some light on a few of them.
The earliest reference to the Tombigbee River was in the narratives of Hernando de Soto's December 1540 encounter of the river. The Spanish called it the River of the Chicaca (Chickasaw). Though many books say the name Tombigbee came from a Choctaw word meaning "coffin maker" that apparently is not the case. In 1805 Mississippi Territorial Judge Harry Toulmin wrote that the name "Tombigby" came from the Choctaw word "Elomegabee" which meant "box maker." Pontotoc Land Office draughtsman Edward Fontaine wrote in 1848 that about 1730 the Choctaws began calling the River "Itta-ombee-aye ika-abee" or wooden box making river. He explained the boxes were for shipping furs. In 1736 the French had built a fort they named Tombecbe on the river about 75 miles south of present day Columbus.
Though I have never read a period account of where the name West Point came from, a version I heard years ago makes perfect sense. By the late 1840s a community had sprung up that is now West Point. As it was on what was then the western edge of Lowndes County, the community was named West Point and was functioning as a town by 1851. In the early 1870s portions of four surrounding counties were broken off and combined to make what is now Clay County, with West Point as the county seat.
Andrew Jackson's Military Road ran from Nashville to New Orleans and was completed in 1820. The story goes that Jackson passed through Columbus on the road traveling to the Battle of New Orleans. The road was constructed after the War of 1812 had ended and there is no evidence Jackson ever set foot on the part of the road where Columbus was established. Jackson ordered the road's construction and was instrumental in getting congressional approval. That is why the road was named after him.
On the road from Columbus to Aliceville, Ala., the highway crosses a creek named Coal Fire Creek. The problem is, that was not the real name of the creek. Its original name was Cold Fire Creek. Early settlers crossing the creek during the winter around 1818 or 1819 described the water as being so cold that it burned them like it was on fire when they crossed it. So, they named the creek Cold Fire Creek. Years later people thought that name made no sense and as the story goes they changed the name thinking it must have been associated with a fire in the north Alabama coal region in which the creek's headwaters originated.
In northeastern Lowndes County there is an old road now named Wolfe Road. That name is another example of people either not knowing or appreciating history. It is one of the oldest roads in the area and in 1872 W E Gibbs told the story behind its name: "That part of our county lying between the present John Darnell and Goshen places was then 'veritably a howling wilderness,' being made so by innumerable bands of predatory wolves, so numerous that the rearing of stock was an impossibility. The Wolf Road took its name from this fact."
The story of how Columbus got its name is a very simple one but again shows how historic names change. In 1817 Sils McBee settled on a creek just east of Luxapalila Creek. The creek soon took his name. As more settlers arrived during the summer of 1819 and established a town at the Military Road ferry crossing of the Tombigbee there was a meeting of the new residents. McBee suggested the new town be named Columbus and by December of 1819 the new community was officially referred to as Columbus. However, the name of McBee's Creek did not survive. Somehow it became corrupted to its present name of Magby Creek.
Names preserve a place's story and history. When stories are forgotten or history lost, a little piece of our past disappears and our sense of place is diminished.
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Queen Eleanor Essay - Critical Essays
One difficulty in writing about medieval women stems from their position in a male-oriented society, as few sources focus on them. Even a woman as prominent as Eleanor of Aquitaine was defined by her place in relation to men as wife, mother, or participant in events such as wars and crusades where men were the primary leaders. Brooks points out this problem in her postscript, where she speculates on what Eleanor looked like because no visual or literary portrait of this famous woman exists.
The task of a biographer of a medieval woman such as Eleanor of Aquitaine is therefore to maintain a focus on the woman, her personality, and her achievements, while, at the same time, placing her within the context of the male-dominated events of her era. Brooks manages this biographical dilemma successfully. While the author clarifies the complex feudal relationships between England and France, the controversy between church and state illustrated in the Becket affair, and the adventure of the Crusades, Eleanor of Aquitaine remains a dominant figure in these events.
Brooks depicts Eleanor as a strong woman in terms of both her physical constitution and her indomitable spirit. Her long life of eighty-two years, exceeding those of two husbands and most of her children and during which she gave birth to ten offspring, as well as her incessant travels as far as the Holy Land, Sicily, and Spain, shows her impressive physical resources. More important, however,...
(The entire section is 478 words.)
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Attack of the cryoconites
Attack of the cryoconites
Greenland's ice sheet is pockmarked with cryoconites, or holes filled with melted water. They form when the Sun melts darker dust and silt on the ice sheet, creating round or irregular patterns. Like snow flakes, each cryoconite is different; some freeze bubbles inside and others are fringed by crystals. Scientists working on the ice sheet this summer sometimes found them to be wet irritations; they were the perfect size for stepping in and soaking feet.
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University of Minnesota
Center for Holocaust & Genocide Studies
• Slave Labor
Slave Labor
The women were forced to work at many kinds of slave labor, from heavy outdoor jobs to building V-2 rocket parts for the Siemens Electric Company.
Click on image to enlarge
camp life"The Waltz" by Felicie Mertens
The major private firm that used slave labor at Ravensbrück was the Siemens Electric Company, today the second largest electric company in the world. In a separate camp adjoining the main one, Siemens "employed" the women to make electrical components for V-1 and V-2 rockets.
Ravensbrück was one of the Nazi's main depositories for confiscated clothing and furs, and had an SS-owned factory for remodeling leather and textiles, a subsidiary of Dachau Enterprises, There was also a tailor shop that made the prisoners' striped uniforms and uniforms for the SS, and fur coats for the Waffen-SS and the Wehrmacht, In another shop the prisoners wove carpets from reeds. Women also did outside work, such as construction of buildings and roads. They were used like animals, with twelve to fourteen of them pulling a huge roller to pave the streets,
Some of the women worked in camp administration and some worked outside the camp, for example, in the nearby town of Fürstenberg. Those too old or disabled to perform other duties knitted for the army or cleaned the barracks and latrines, The women usually worked for twelve hours a day, under conditions of extreme exploitation.
The work day began at 7AM until 7PM, while the night shift worked from 7PM to 7AM. Some jobs required working on Sunday. The rolls calls (APPEL) were extremely tiring, long and difficult in winter because of the cold. After a half-day of work, women weal and exhausted had a short break to literally "grab" something to eat. Everything was done is a rush with guards close by and screaming orders. After midday meal, counting of prisoners began again until the 7PM end of work. Women worked at some of the most difficult tasks, including construction.
Women prisoners who could not work outside were employed at knitting for the army. This kind of work was created for women "rabbits" who had been used as guinea pigs after medical experimentation had been performed on them.
giant roller
Giant roller pulled by slave laborers. Photo courtesy of MGR/SBG. SS propaganda photos of slave laborers at Ravensbrück, 1940-1941. Archive of MGR/SBG.
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This issue of Science Shots is taken entirely from today's Proceedings of the Royal Society B (early view)—an unusually lively collection of forthcoming papers.
First up, a fascinating look at the long-distance migration strategies of birds and moths—specifically of songbirds (generally, the small twitterers) and noctuid, or owlet, moths (generally, the heavy-bodied moths that fly into lights at night).
The moths, as might be expected, attain self-propelled flight speeds only a third as fast as the flight speeds of songbirds. Yet the radar data used for this study show that during high-altitude migration, the moths fly as fast as the songbirds. So how do they do it?
Moths achieved fast travel speeds in seasonally appropriate migration directions by exploiting favourably directed winds and selecting flight altitudes that coincided with the fastest air streams. By contrast, [songbirds] were less selective of wind conditions, relying on self-powered flight in their seasonally preferred direction, often with little or no tailwind assistance.
Heart and dart moth, Agrotis exclamationis. Credit: ©Entomart.ins, via Wikimedia Commons.Heart and dart moth, Agrotis exclamationis. Credit: ©Entomart.ins, via Wikimedia Commons.
For a long time now we've known that most birds that practice monogamy also cheat on their partners—what biologists call social monogamy (versus sexual monogamy). The basic hypothesis has been that cheating offers genetic benefits to the female by, for instance, mixing up her DNA with a male with different traits and potential talents.
The study used 18 years of data from wild song sparrows to examine the survival rates of the chicks born out of bird-wedlock compared to the chicks born within bird-wedlock. Lo and behold, not what anyone expected.
On average, there was no difference between chicks born in and out of wedlock (measured for hatching, fledging, recruitment, and total lifespan). However, chicks born out of wedlock consistently tended to be less likely to survive. Here's where it gets interesting: the difference was sex specific:
• Female chicks born out of wedlock were less likely to survive to independence and recruitment than female chicks born within wedlock
• Female chicks born out of wedlock lived fewer years than female chicks born within wedlock
• Male chicks born out of wedlock were similarly or slightly more likely to survive and to live more years than male chicks born within wedlock
The findings tend to raise more questions than they answer, paradoxically a mark of scientific progress.
Song sparrow, Melospiza melodia. Credit: Ken Thomas, via Wikimedia Commons.Song sparrow, Melospiza melodia. Credit: Ken Thomas, via Wikimedia Commons.
Finally, in another paper, researchers attempted to discern the level of empathy domestic hens feel for their chicks. The premise here being that empathy—the extent to which an animal is affected by the pain or distress of one of its own kind—likely evolved first among parents for their young and later spread to others, at least in some species.
So how do you test for empathy in chickens? The authors of this study conducted a series of experiments that involved exposing hens and their chicks to puffs of air and then measuring the hens' behavioral and physiological responses.
• In one group, air puffs were directed to chicks every 30 seconds
• In another, air puffs were directed to hens every 30 seconds
• In one control group, the sounds of air puffs were played to hens and chicks
• In another control group, hens and chicks were left undisturbed
The findings: Hens showed increased alertness, decreased preening behavior, and a reduction in eye temperature when their chicks were getting air blown at them. No such changes occurred during any control period. Hens also responded with increased heart rates and more vocalizations when their chicks were getting puffed, even though the chicks produced few distress vocalizations. Conclusion:
The pronounced and specific reaction observed indicates that adult female birds possess at least one of the essential underpinning attributes of empathy.
The papers:
• Thomas Alerstam, et al. Convergent patterns of long-distance nocturnal migration in noctuid moths and passerine birds. Proc. R. Soc. B. DOI:
• Rebecca J. Sardell, et al. Sex-specific differential survival of extra-pair and within-pair offspring in song sparrows, Melospiza melodia. Proc. R. Soc. B. DOI:
• J. L. Edgar, et al. Avian maternal response to chick distress. Proc. R. Soc. B. DOI:
If you're following the budget fight, Wednesday marked a new round of debate over what it will look like. With no resolution yet reached between Democrats and Republicans, the Senate debated and voted on two separate options for the seven-month spending plan, known as the continuing resolution, neither of which mustered the 60 votes needed to move forward.
It's worth revisiting just how bad the House-passed CR is when it comes to environmental matters. It would block the Environmental Protection Agency from moving forward on greenhouse gas regulations, which has drawn quite a bit of attention already. But it also specifically bars the EPA from acting on a number of other regulatory issues—like coal ash, toxic pollution from coal-fired power plants, emissions from cement kilns, and particulate emissions.
On top of those specific riders, it cuts the EPA's budget by a third—effectively limiting its ability to uphold basically every environmental law in this country. Scott Slesinger, legislative director at the Natural Resources Defense Council has a recap of what he calls the "most anti-environmental bill to come before Congress in the last 40 years."
The Democrat's budget plan includes some cuts to environmental programs, but nothing close to what the Republican version calls for. But since both versions failed, senators will have to take another stab at negotiating something, which means major cuts to environmental programs are still in play.
As you may have heard, there's this self-contradicting and rather paranoid dude out there, Rep. Peter King (R-NY), who's holding a Congressional hearing tomorrow on the dangers of homegrown terrorists. Not the Timothy McVeigh, Jared Loughner, or Unabomber kinds of terrorists: the real ones. The Muslim ones. (Cue ominous music here) But King's hearing isn't the only one on terrorists in the US: Far from it. From 2004 to 2011 there have been approximately 933 Congressional hearings on terrorism, despite the fact that terrorism only kills around 30 US citizens a year, and that includes Americans killed overseas. Instead, heart disease remains the #1 killer of Americans, killing around 600,000 of us every year. Terrorism, on the other hand, is a negligible death threat. You're about 45 times more likely to accidentally poison yourself than you are to be the victim of a deliberate terrorist. As a 66-year-old white male, King is much more likely to die from heart disease or cancer than he is from terrorism. But good to know he's keeping an eye out, just in case.
This isn't to say we shouldn't have concerns about terrorism. Of course we should. 9/11 was a horrible tragedy and we should do what we can to prevent something similar from happening again. But the fact remains that the #1 killer of Americans is at least partially preventable, and we don't seem to be that concerned about it. At least, not that much compared to terrorism. Charts below.
Stat note: Numbers for death chart are as of 2007, most recent year for which US Census mortality data was available. Numbers for Congressional hearing chart are results of Congressional LexisNexis searches.
This post first appeared on the Guardian website.
Vast reserves of coal in the far west of China mean it is set to become the "new Middle East", a leading figure in the global coal industry has claimed. Fred Palmer, the chairman of the London-based World Coal Association and a key executive at Peabody Energy, the world's largest privately owned coal company, also said that China is leading the US in efforts to develop technology to "clean" coal of its carbon emissions by burying them underground.
In a wide-ranging interview with the Guardian, Palmer dismissed the idea that the world might ever experience "peak coal" – the point at which maximum global coal production rate is reached. "The Dakotas, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas all have large, large amounts of lignite [brown coal]," he said. "Or in western China and Mongolia you have lower-ranked coals. So I don't think there's a peak coal problem. I think Xinjiang province in the west of China, where they say there's a trillion tonnes of resources, will be the new Middle East. Anyone who has the notion that we're going to move away from fossil fuels just isn't paying attention."
Photo by Kopfjäger, courtesy Wikimedia Commons.
In one of the most interesting epidemiological studies ever conducted, British scientists began to track 5,362 of the 16,695 babies born in England, Scotland, and Wales during the first week of March, 1946. As of today, these "babies" have just celebrated their 65th birthdays.
Researchers and funding have come and gone, died and retired, yet miraculously the birth cohort study has continued uninterrupted for six-and-a-half decades—the longest-running cohort study to date. The findings of the National Survey of Health and Development are sweet, startling, depressing, and encouraging. In short, the panoply of life.
An overview of the study's results—so far—appear in the current Nature. It began like this in 1946:
Health visitors carefully recorded the weights of the vast majority on a four-page questionnaire, along with countless other details including the father's occupation, the number of rooms and occupants (including domestics) in the baby's home and whether the baby was legitimate or illegitimate. Over subsequent years, the information files on more than 5,000 of these children thickened, then bulged. Throughout their school years and young adulthood and on into middle age, researchers weighed, measured, prodded, scanned and quizzed the group's bodies and minds in almost every way imaginable.
A few of the findings:
• The heaviest babies were most at risk of breast cancer in later life
• Children born into lower socioeconomic classes were more likely to gain weight as adults
• Women with higher IQs underwent later menopause than other women
• Young children who spent more than a week in hospital were more likely to suffer learning and behavioral problems later on
• Cohort members with the lowest birth weights had higher blood pressure as adults
• Babies who grew fast postnatally had more cardiovascular risk in adulthood
• Regular physical exercise in a person's 30s and 40s can slow cognitive decline with age
Here's some of what researchers are working on now. From the Nature piece:
In the latest round of data collection, running from 2006 to 2010 and costing £2.7 million [$4.4 million], study members underwent almost every modern biomedical test, including echocardiograms, measures of blood-vessel function, whole-body bone, muscle and fat scans, and tests of blood, memory and how quickly they could get up from a chair. The data will provide a detailed starting point from which to measure the cohort members' inevitable decline, and the opportunity to analyse the information is already swelling an extensive network of collaborators. Some are testing how genes interact with a lifetime of experiences to lead to obesity or disease; others plan to scan participants' genomes for 'epigenetic' marks—molecular traces left, perhaps, by early birth weight or by life's inequalities—that alter gene expression and might provide a molecular explanation for effects in later life. Greg Duncan, an economist at the University of California, Irvine, who studies the impact of child poverty, hopes that follow-up studies could help to answer a question arising from the earlier findings on socioeconomic status and health: "What are the active ingredients in social class?"
And an interesting enigma in the data:
Diana Kuh [head of the UK National Survey of Health and Development] points out a blue line representing a group of women from better-off backgrounds, whose death rate is about half that of everyone else. Kuh has not been able to attribute the effect to less smoking or other obvious factors, and she suspects that these women took advantage of the educational and health opportunities afforded by post-war Britain to improve themselves. "They really changed their lives with education. The girls, if they got through [the limited educational opportunities], they did really well."
Over the years, there have been plenty of hard-fought environmental skirmishes in Congress, but Henry Waxman thinks the latest battle over the future of climate policy in the US could be the toughest one yet. In remarks at the Center for American Progress on Monday, the California Democrat, who helped to usher in 1990's landmark Clean Air Act amendments, accused his Republican colleagues of taking an increasingly anti-science bent.
"Protection of the environment is now a partisan battleground," Waxman said. "On climate change, we can't even agree whether there is a problem." That's not to say things were peachy in the past; there were of course major battles over measures to curb acid rain, toxic power plant emissions, and other environmental protections. But, Waxman said, "I've never been in a Congress where there was such an overwhelming disconnect between science and public policy."
His remarks come at the beginning of what is shaping up to be an interesting week on that front. On Tuesday, the House subcommittee on energy and power will hold a hearing on climate science and the Environmental Protection Agency's new greenhouse gas regulations. And on Thursday, Republicans on that committee plan to move forward with legislation that would decimate those rules.
House and Senate Republicans have put forward a joint proposal that would not only amend the Clean Air Act to say explicitly that it does not apply to greenhouse gas emissions, but would also nullify the EPA's scientific finding that those gases pose a threat to humankind (a conclusion that even the Bush-era EPA had reached).
But before House Republicans begin marking up the legislation, Waxman, the ranking member of the Energy and Commerce Committee, and Rep. Bobby Rush (D-Ill.), the ranking member of the energy and power subcommittee, asked the majority to grant at least one hearing on the science underpinning the EPA's greenhouse gas rules. The Republicans agreed, and even granted the Dems the larger of witnesses. Of the seven witnesses appearing Tuesday, four were selected by the Democrats. The Republican witnesses include two climate change skeptics and, oddly, some guy whose main focus is promoting DDT, the pesticide banned in the US back in 1972 because of the risks it posed to public health and the environment. (See a good breakdown of the witnesses here).
But it's doubtful that anything the experts say tomorrow will dissuade the Republicans from moving ahead with the anti-EPA measure. House Republicans succeeded last week in adding three Democrats as co-sponsors of the EPA-handcuffing legislation—Reps. Nick Rahall of West Virginia, Collin Peterson of Minnesota, and Dan Boren of Oklahoma. On the Senate side, Republicans picked up Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.V.) as a cosponsor.
Waxman says the passage of the measure through the House is basically a foregone conclusion. But that doesn't necessarily mean it will become law, he said, referencing his own climate and energy bill that passed in June 2009 only to hit a brick wall in the Senate. Waxman, and most of his Democratic colleagues, are hoping this anti-EPA measure will suffer the same fate. In the meantime, Waxman's hoping that the Democrats can at least use tomorrow's hearing to, once again, hash out the science.
"The new Republican majority has a lot of leeway to rewrite laws," he said, "but they don't have the ability to rewrite the laws of nature."
Treehugger reports that in Sweden, purchases of fuel-efficient cars are on the rise, but so are emissions. So does this mean that Swedes are actually driving more (and thus creating more emissions) because their new green cars allow them to do so more cheaply?
This question is an example of the Jevons Paradox, which David Owen recently wrote about in the New Yorker: Make something more efficient, and people will use it more. "This effect is usually referred to as 'rebound'—or, in cases where increased consumption more than cancels out any energy savings, as 'backfire,'" he writes. (Owen uses the example of refrigerators and air conditioners in the piece, but the general principle can be applied to anything that consumes energy.)
I had the distinct pleasure of appearing with Carl Safina at the Song for the Blue Ocean Symposium at Oregon State University last month. One aim of the meeting was to explore whether or not scientists should use their knowledge to advocate for policy change.
The alternative—and, until recently, the status quo—is for scientists to simply deliver their results into the hands of policymakers and the public and let them hammer out our future as best they can. The flaws in that system are pretty obvious.
Safina's been a powerful pioneer in advocacy since his 1999 book Song for the Blue Ocean appeared—when he stepped out from behind the curtain of science and spoke directly to the public about the issues affecting our oceans.
Photo courtesy Carl Safina.Photo courtesy Carl Safina.
Safina's new book, The View From Lazy Point, is a meditative journey around the world and through the seasons, from coral reefs in Belize to penguin rookeries in Antarctica—though its heart beats at the northeastern tip of Long Island. There, he writes, "I became the owner of a beach cottage that had fallen into such disrepair that I could afford it." He continues:
As much as I admire Henry Beston's classic The Outermost House, this is not a story about getting a little place out past the edge of the world and finding one's self in solitude and peace. This story is, though, partly about going home, about immersing in rhythms that come naturally... But this story's also about a kind of heartbreak for a world that remains so vitally unaware of how imperiled it is. The more I sense the miracle, the more intense appears the tragedy.
Photo by somenametoforget, at Flickr.Photo by somenametoforget, at Flickr.
Writing about miracles and tragedies has come at a cost for Safina: The loss of his scientific research. Here's what he told me recently.
Carl Safina: I'd been studying mainly terns and their foraging ecology, until I realized that while we're learning increasingly minute things about the workings of these systems, we're losing great things like large populations of fish. So I started working on the issue of driftnets. And when the next tern field season rolled around, I realized I couldn't just quit advocacy. I thought I'd miss one field season. Then I missed two. As the marine advocacy field grew, I moved into what I do better: writing and talking. Now I get my research fix through invitations to visit scientists whose work I'm most interested in during their field seasons.
Least tern, Sternula antillarum, with chicks. Photo by Dan Pancamo, courtesy Wikimedia Commons.Least tern, Sternula antillarum, with chicks. Photo by Dan Pancamo, courtesy Wikimedia Commons.
I asked Safina where The View From Lazy Point—his fifth book, released last month—fits into the trajectory of his writing life.
Carl Safina: I used to think my work was all about marine conservation. But the climate issue has blurred everything. You can't worry about coral reefs without worrying about the people living around coral reefs who depend on them. The climate issue has blurred the lines between our peace and security and, say, the fate of sea turtles. In The View From Lazy Point, I cast my widest net yet, following the ripple effects.
I asked him why we're so slow to get any traction of the global issues facing us.
Carl Safina: Our institutions are fundamentally irrational. Economics, including capitalism, our wisdom traditions, like religion, are all hundreds or even thousands of years old. They're born from a time when we thought the world was unchanging and unchangeable. Not until science came along did we understand that the world can and does change, and that we have the power to change the world for better or worse.
I asked what themes he was working on in the book and he described one that emerged only late in the writing.
Carl Safina: That nature and human dignity require each other. When nature is destroyed—Haiti is a case in point—people can't get back on their feet and lose their ability to live a dignified life. When people are oppressed beyond human dignity, then there's no ability to care for nature.
Photo by Fred Hsu, Fredhsu, at Wikimedia Commons.Photo by Fred Hsu, Fredhsu, at Wikimedia Commons.
The View From Lazy Point is a synthesis of deep storytelling and deep thinking. Its muscular language makes for an uncommonly good read: far from doom and gloom, rich with anecdotal rewards and practical solutions. It's infused with Safina's own signature blend of fisherman-scientist-philosopher wisdom. Here's one of my favorite passages:
So I guess what I'm trying to say is that, though I'm a secular person and a scientist, I believe that our relationship with the living world must be mainly religious. But I don't mean theological. I mean religious in the sense of reverent, revolutionary, spiritual, and inspired. Reverent because the world is unique, thus holy. Revolutionary in making a break with the drift and downdraft of outdated, maladapted modes of thought. Spiritual in seeking attainment of a higher realm of human being. Inspired in the aspiration to connect crucial truths with wider communities. Religious in precisely this way: connection, with a sense of purpose.
Crazy George/Flickr.
When Congress passed the Wilderness Preservation Act of 1964, they defined "wilderness" as an area "untrammeled by man." The thinking was that if only certain activities like hiking, camping and biking were permitted in a space, the human impact would be negligible. But a new study published on March 3 in the open access journal PLoS ONE shows that even these minor activities alter the ecosystems we want so badly to preserve.
A group of researchers at the University of Calgary in Canada placed more than 40 cameras on hiking trails and roads in the Rocky Mountains in Alberta to observe how even mild human traffic alters the ecosystem. They found that on roads and trails trafficked by more than 18 visitors a day, large predators like wolves, black bears, grizzlies and cougars were less abundant than they would be in the wild. Furthermore, they found that on roads trafficked by more than 32 people a day, the number of small prey increased by 300%.
Opting Out: States could opt out of health care reform as early as 2014.
End of Life: Huckabee admits if he gets really sick later, he won't be able to pay for it.
Come Together: DoD and VA could cut costs by consolidating drug programs.
Killer Plan: The gentleman from Wyoming has a climate plan: do nothing.
Billion Dollar Babies: Pa. law cuts health care for the poor, benefits big businesses.
Q&A, Hold the A: Pro-life organization refuses interview, then blasts journalists.
Funding Gap: GOP proposes no federal funding for abortions, even though there's none presently.
Big Band: Elphants play drums and percussion, displaying intelligence and rhythm.
BP's Back: BP's just been approved to start deep-water drilling again.
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Problem 1481. Game of Nim
The Game of Nim is a famous studied 2 player strategy game.
There are 3 heaps, and you are given the number of pebbles in each heap. Player 1 and 2 take turns removing pebbles from each heap. Game ends when a player cannot remove any pebbles from any heap, and the last player able to do so is the winner.
Given the number of pebbles in each heap, determine if player-1 will win assuming that both player play their optimal strategy, ie their best possible moves.
Problem 5) Prev: 1478 Next: 1482
Solution Stats
45.45% Correct | 54.55% Incorrect
Last solution submitted on Aug 10, 2016
Problem Comments
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Lanchester's laws
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Lanchester's laws are mathematical formulae for calculating the relative strengths of a predator–prey pair, originally devised to analyse relative strengths of military forces.
The Lanchester equations are differential equations describing the time dependence of two armies' strengths A and B as a function of time, with the function depending only on A and B.[1][2]
In 1916, during World War I, Frederick Lanchester devised a series of differential equations to demonstrate the power relationships between opposing forces. Among these are what is known as Lanchester's Linear Law (for ancient combat) and Lanchester's Square Law (for modern combat with long-range weapons such as firearms).
Lanchester's linear law[edit]
For ancient combat, between phalanxes of soldiers with spears, say, one soldier could only ever fight exactly one other soldier at a time. If each soldier kills, and is killed by, exactly one other, then the number of soldiers remaining at the end of the battle is simply the difference between the larger army and the smaller, assuming identical weapons.
The linear law also applies to unaimed fire into an enemy-occupied area. The rate of attrition depends on the density of the available targets in the target area as well as the number of weapons shooting. If two forces, occupying the same land area and using the same weapons, shoot randomly into the same target area, they will both suffer the same rate and number of casualties, until the smaller force is eventually eliminated: the greater probability of any one shot hitting the larger force is balanced by the greater number of shots directed at the smaller force.
Lanchester's square law[edit]
Idealized simulation of two forces damaging each other neglecting all other circumstances than the 1) Size of army 2) Rate of damaging. The picture illustrates the principle of Lanchester's square law.
With firearms engaging each other directly with aimed shooting from a distance, they can attack multiple targets and can receive fire from multiple directions. The rate of attrition now depends only on the number of weapons shooting. Lanchester determined that the power of such a force is proportional not to the number of units it has, but to the square of the number of units. This is known as Lanchester's square law.
More precisely, the law specifies the casualties a shooting force will inflict over a period of time, relative to those inflicted by the opposing force. In its basic form, the law is only useful to predict outcomes and casualties by attrition. It does not apply to whole armies, where tactical deployment means not all troops will be engaged all the time. It only works where each unit (soldier, ship, etc.) can kill only one equivalent unit at a time. For this reason, the law does not apply to machine guns, artillery, or nuclear weapons. The law requires an assumption that casualties increase over time: it does not work in situations in which opposing troops kill each other instantly, either by shooting simultaneously or by one side getting off the first shot and inflicting multiple casualties.
Note that Lanchester's square law does not apply to technological force, only numerical force; so it requires an N-squared-fold increase in quality to compensate for an N-fold increase in quantity.
Example equations[edit]
Suppose that two armies, Red and Blue are engaging each other in combat. Red is shooting a continuous stream of bullets at Blue. Meanwhile, Blue is shooting a continuous stream of bullets at Red.
Let symbol A represent the number of soldiers in the Red force at the beginning of the battle. Each one has offensive firepower α, which is the number of enemy soldiers it can incapacitate (e.g., kill or injure) per unit time. Likewise, Blue has B soldiers, each with offensive firepower β.
Lanchester’s square law calculates the number of soldiers lost on each side using the following pair of equations.[3] Here, dA/dt represents the rate at which the number of Red soldiers is changing at a particular instant. A negative value indicates the loss of soldiers. Similarly, dB/dt represents the rate of change of the number of Blue soldiers.
dA/dt = −βB
dB/dt = −αA
Relation to the salvo combat model[edit]
Lanchester’s equations are related to the more recent salvo combat model equations, with two main differences.
First, Lanchester's original equations form a continuous time model, whereas the basic salvo equations form a discrete time model. In a gun battle, bullets or shells are typically fired in large quantities. Each round has a relatively low chance of hitting its target, and does a relatively small amount of damage. Therefore, Lanchester's equations model gunfire as a stream of firepower that continuously weakens the enemy force over time.
By comparison, cruise missiles typically are fired in relatively small quantities. Each one has a high probability of hitting its target, and carries a relatively powerful warhead. Therefore, it makes more sense to model them as a discrete pulse (or salvo) of firepower in a discrete time model.
Second, Lanchester's equations include only offensive firepower, whereas the salvo equations also include defensive firepower. Given their small size and large number, it is not practical to intercept bullets and shells in a gun battle. By comparison, cruise missiles can be intercepted (shot down) by surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft guns. So it is important to include such active defenses in a missile combat model.
Lanchester's law in use[edit]
Lanchester's laws have been used to model historical battles for research purposes. Examples include Pickett's Charge of Confederate infantry against Union infantry during the 1863 Battle of Gettysburg,[4] and the 1940 Battle of Britain between the British and German air forces.[5]
In modern warfare, to take into account that to some extent both linear and the square apply often, an exponent of 1.5 is used.[6][7][8]
See also[edit]
• Numbers, Predictions and War, Col T N Dupuy, Macdonald and Jane's, 1979
1. ^ Lanchester F.W., Mathematics in Warfare in The World of Mathematics, Vol. 4 (1956) Ed. Newman, J.R., Simon and Schuster, 2138–2157
2. ^ "Lanchester Equations and Scoring Systems - RAND".
3. ^ Taylor JG. 1983. Lanchester Models of Warfare, volumes I & II. Operations Research Society of America.
4. ^ Armstrong MJ, Sodergren SE, 2015, Refighting Pickett's Charge: mathematical modeling of the Civil War battlefield, Social Science Quarterly.
5. ^ MacKay N, Price C, 2011, Safety in Numbers: Ideas of concentration in Royal Air Force fighter defence from Lanchester to the Battle of Britain, History 96, 304–325.
6. ^ Race to the Swift: Thoughts on Twenty-First Century Warfare by Richard E. Simpkin
7. ^ "Lanchester's Laws and Attrition Modeling, Part II". 9 July 2010.
8. ^ "Asymmetric Warfare: A Primer".
External links[edit]
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Show Summary Details
Quick Reference
A term used between the mid-17th and mid-19th centuries, probably derived from the word carosse, originally used to describe the forward part of the cabin space under the poop deck of a warship. Later, coach was also used to describe the fore-cabin under the quarterdeck, just forward of the great cabin. About halfway through this period the term was used for both, the ‘great coach or steerage’ for the lower and the ‘upper coach or round house’ for the upper.
Subjects: Maritime History.
Reference entries
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Jim Conrad's Naturalist Newsletter of January 1, 2017
Issued from Rancho Regenesis
in the woods near Ek Balam Ruins north of Valladolid in
Yucatán, MÉXICO
January 1, 2017
When I first saw the garden, it was a weedy wasteland. I went there to pull weeds to feed to the burros, and only as the weeds disappeared did old plant beds and sweet-potato ridges turn up. Among the weeds was a rankly growing, yellow-flowered, waist-high, shrubby member of the Bean Family, a branch of which is shown at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101sn.jpg
A close-up of its weakly bilaterally symmetrical flowers featuring stamens very unlike one another is at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101so.jpg
We've seen that flowers displaying these features normally belong to the big Bean Family genus Senna. We've identified several weedy and shrubby species of this genus, so I assumed that this was one of them. Senna species often attract ants by means of conspicuous glands on the leaves' petioles, but in this species the ants seemed to cluster around hairy, emerging stem tips.
I couldn't remember another Senna species with such an ant-attracting policy, and I didn't see the species in the woods around the garden, so maybe this wasn't a repeat after all. I set about noticing distinguishing features that might help during the upcoming identification process. For example, notice how the blossoms' sepals differ from one another in size, that they're broader toward their tips instead of at their bases, and that the sepals' tips are rounded instead of pointed, as shown at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101sp.jpg
Also, it was a little unsual that both sides of the little bush's leaflets were softly hairy, as shown at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101sq.jpg
This seems to be the Hairy Senna, SENNA HIRSUTA, sometimes also called the Woolly Senna, Stinking Cassia, and a host of other names. It bears so many names because it's a fairly common species apparently native throughout the tropical and subtropical Americas, including the southern US and Mexico, plus it's invasive in numerous other countries with hot to generally warm climates. Occurring over such a large distribution area, it's a very variable species. The long-pointed leaflet tips shown in our photos turn up as rounded tips in pictures of the same species from other countries.
We've seen that here at the rancho numerous plants have been introduced for one good reason or another, but eventually the species' names and original purposes were forgotten, and now the plants are surviving as weeds. I think that that's the case here. Hairy Sennas frequently are planted as "green manure" to be plowed under to enrich the soil, and often they're planted as shade or shelter plants in young coffee plantations. Though Hairy Sennas are native to this area, the plants in the garden probably they were introduced as ground cover that puts nitrogen into the soil.
In the garden I began noticing little brown balls with holes in them, as shown at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101cy.jpg
Living this close to a major Maya ruin, Ek Balam, how could I not think that I was finding ancient Maya beads made of baked clay, with the holes serving for the necklace's string to pass through? The only feature not agreeing with that hypothesis was that each ball bore three holes, not two. Still, I spent a good bit of time looking for balls, imagining that the garden must have been established atop an ancient Maya burial. I visualized maybe a thousand years ago a Maya warrior or maiden wearing a necklace of colored beads being buried right here were now I was growing chili peppers and cilantro.
I showed the balls to Gonzalo the rancho manager, who smiled and said, "Cocoyol!" Cocoyol is the name of a spiny palm tree found growing throughout the rancho. Our page for the Cocoyol, which we've learned elsewhere to call Coyol, is at http://www.backyardnature.net/chiapas/coyol.htm
This large palm produces heavy clusters of coconut-like fruits about the size of the balls in the picture. Here Cocoyols are welcome because the livestock gladly eat the hard nuts. In fact, that explains why so many of the fruits turn up in the garden, despite there being no Coyol nearby. "The animals eat the nuts, the nuts pass through their bodies, we collect the manure for the compost, and that gets strewn on the garden," Gonzalo explained.
It all made sense and Gonzalo doesn't say anything unless he's pretty sure he knows what he's talking about. Still, it was hard to give up my story about gardening in an ancient Maya graveyard until I found what's shown at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/17/170101cz.jpg
At the edge of a frequently watered plant bed of chard, one of the balls had broken apart. Each ball bore inside three orangish seeds. In the picture, at the left, you see one of the orangish seeds still nestled inside the fruit's husk. Above that seed, the two dark, papery, ear-like items are the coverings of the fruit's two empty chambers. At the right in the picture is one of the other seeds, bearing roots.
Flower ovaries of Palm Family species contain three chambers, or carpels, with each carpel holding a single ovule -- the ovule becoming the future seed. This explains the three holes in each "clay ball" -- one hole for each of the three chambers. Water seeps through the hole to enliven the single seed in each carpel. In most Palm Family species two of the three ovules die by abortion, so that each fruit produces only one seed, but apparently the Coyol is one species where two or more seeds may survive.
All "things" are gatherings of atoms which themselves nearly entirely consist of empty space -- empty except for invisible force fields produced by the atoms' almost infinitely small particles such as protons and neutrons. What we see of the world around us is photons bouncing off things' invisible atomic force fields. What we feel is force fields of our nerve endings interacting with the force fields of things, resulting in stimuli conducted to our brains. From these stimuli, the brain manufactures a colorful, solid world that really isn't there.
The brain-created nature of the world around us is worthy of being labeled illusionary, but it's only the beginning of the illusions we humans are subject to. Other illusions are so commonplace that it takes awhile to recognize them as illusions.
For example, some people need prescription drugs in order to avoid being depressed. Which is the "real world," then -- the depressing one experienced without drugs, or the cheery one seen with drugs? Similarly, a symbol such as a cross or a star may comfort one person by evoking familiar explanations and promises of one's religion, while that same symbol may bring on a rage of intolerance and fear in another.
What's the real nature of these things seen with or without drugs, or interpreted one way or another, depending on the person? Isn't it that these things have no essential meaning other than that they are exactly what they are, and that any associations or feelings we may have with regard to them can be called illusions concocted by our brains?
If it's our brains telling us what things are, then that's a chancy thing, because our brains' interpretations depend on our personal genetically fixed predispositions, our life's chance experiences, and the ever-changing electrochemical environment in which our brains happen to be operating. All these factors vary from person to person, and within each person the brain's interpretation can vary wildly from day to day, even moment to moment. Even the set of experiences affecting how our brains interpret things changes constantly, depending on what we're remembering, forgetting, or experiencing at the moment.
Add all that to the fact that a fundamental function of the left hemisphere of the human brain is to create story lines to explain what we're experiencing, as described in our essay at http://www.backyardnature.net/n/p/080811.htm
These story lines may comfort us and help us function in everyday life, as by assuring us that it's lighter now than a few moments ago because the Sun is coming up, but also they tend to generate trouble-causing political theories and religions. Fortunately, with the help of the right brain hemisphere we can analyze which of our story lines are to be helpful. and which problematical.
What's the good in thinking about all this, especially because we can't change anything about it?
Thinking about life's illusions is good for at least three reasons.
First, the whole setup is so mysterious that when one dwells on the matter a kind of spiritual quest begins. That quest can bring us into every deeper insights and ever greater awe that inevitably enlarge us as living, feeling beings.
Second, when we enlarge, it seems that our capacity to love our part of the Creation spontaneously increases. This love for what's around us compels us to protect and nurture things important to us, which is something needing to be done.
Finally, coming to grips with life's illusions starts this chain of events: Finding ourselves to be temporary, ever shifting, illusion-besotted configurations of atoms' invisible, intangible force fields, we see what insignificant players we are in a stupendously big, complex theater of mysteries. Seeing ourselves in this perspective, automatically we lose much of our self centeredness. By abandoning left-brain story-lines encouraging materialism and self indulgence, our lives simply and we start identifying with grander currents of the evolving Creation. All this amounts to an elevated spirituality -- enlightenment -- which, the great teachers of the past assure us, is the most precious of all human potentials.
Best wishes to all Newsletter readers,
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James Robertson, the founder of Nashville, died 200 years ago this week: Sept. 1, 1814. If you feel a connection to this city, you owe a debt to James Robertson. Without his courage, determination and profound sacrifice, a city with a different name and with a different history would be standing here.
Early in 1780, during the first few months of settlement, native tribes from across the region began to launch attacks, and there was a vast exodus of settlers. But Robertson was able to persuade a handful to stay. His leadership at the Battle of the Bluff in spring 1781 was crucial to the survival of the wilderness foothold. If it had been lost, local history would have been altered, and American history as well.
Robertson’s leadership through 14 more years of frontier warfare came at enormous personal cost. He was wounded three times, two of his brothers died in attacks, and he and wife Charlotte saw two sons killed.
For most people, James Robertson has become little more than a name, but the role he played in laying the foundation of Nashville should be acknowledged on this anniversary of his death.
Paul Clements
Franklin 37069
Read or Share this story: http://tnne.ws/1o4aWpI
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A mammal lung, in 3D
Researchers at the University of Iowa create model of mysterious region.
Amidst the extraordinarily dense network of pathways in a mammal lung is a common destination. There, any road leads to a cul-de-sac of sorts called the pulmonary acinus. This place looks like a bunch of grapes attached to a stem (acinus means “berry” in Latin).
The image pictured here shows a mouse’s pulmonary acini, the terminals where gases and blood mix in a lung and whose function remains a mystery. Photo courtesy of Dragos Vasilescu, University of Iowa and the University of British Columbia. Image Credit: Dragos Vasilescu/University of Iowa, University of British Columbia.
Scientists have struggled to understand more specifically what happens in this microscopic, labyrinthine intersection of alleys and dead ends. To find out, a research team led by the University of Iowa created the most detailed, three-dimensional rendering of the pulmonary acinus. The computerized model, derived from mice, faithfully mimics each twist and turn in this region, including the length, direction and angles of the respiratory branches that lead to the all-important air sacs called alveoli.
“The imaging and image analysis methods described here provide for branch morphometry at the acinar level that has not been available previously,” the researchers write in the paper, published this week in the online early edition of the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
The model is important, because it can help scientists understand where and how lung diseases emerge as well as the role the pulmonary acinus plays in the delivery of drugs, such as those commonly administered with inhalers.
The video shows the imaging of a section of a mouse lung. As the image rotates, more respiratory branches (bronchioles) are shown, along with three acini (yellow, green and orange clusters). The blood vessels feeding the acini are then added with the arteries shown in blue and the veins in red.
“These methods allow us to understand where in the lung periphery disease begins and how it progresses,” says Eric Hoffman, professor in the departments of radiology, medicine, and biomedical engineering at the UI and corresponding author on the paper. “How do gases and inhaled substances get there and do they accumulate in one or another acinus? How do they swirl around and clear out? We just don’t have a complete understanding how that happens.”
As an example, Hoffman said the model could be used to determine how smoking-induced emphysema originates. “It has been hypothesized recently that it begins with the loss of peripheral airways rather than the lung air sacs,” he says, citing ongoing research by James Hogg at the University of British Columbia, who was not involved in this study. It also could shed light and lead to more effective treatment of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, which causes irreversible damage to the lung, says Dragos Vasilescu, first author on the paper who based his thesis on the research while a graduate student at the UI.
For years, the best that lung anatomy pioneers such as study co-corresponding author Ewald Weibel, professor emeritus of anatomy at the University of Bern, could do to study specific areas of a lung was to make measurements in two dimensions or create 3D casts of a lung’s air spaces. The techniques, while giving the earliest insights into a lungs’s makeup and functioning, had their limitations. For one, they did not directly replicate a lung’s structure in real life, and they could not convey how various parts act together as a whole. Yet advances in imaging and computation have enabled researchers to more fully explore how gases and other inhaled substances act in the lung’s furthest recesses.
In this study, the team worked with 22 pulmonary acini culled from young and old mice. They then set to “reconstruct” the acini based on micro computed tomography imaging of scanned lungs in mice and extracted from them. The extracted lungs were preserved in a way that kept the anatomy intact—including the tiny air spaces required for successful imaging. From that, the researchers were able to measure an acinus, estimate the number of acini for each mouse lung and even count the alveoli and measure their surface area.
The mouse lung, in its structure and function, is remarkably similar to the human lung. That means researchers can alter the genetics of a mouse and see how those changes affect the peripheral structure of the lung and its performance.
Already, the researchers found in the current study that mouse alveoli increase in number long past the two weeks that at least one previous study had indicated. Hoffman adds that a separate study is needed to determine whether humans, too, increase the number of air sacs past a certain, predetermined age.
The researchers next aim to use the model to more fully understand how gases interact with the bloodstream within the acini and the alveoli.
“Our imaging and image-analysis methodologies enable new ways to investigate the lung’s structure and can now be used to further investigate the normal healthy-lung anatomy in humans and be used to visualize and assess the pathological changes in animal models of specific structural diseases,” says Vasilescu, who is a postdoctoral researchfellow at the University of British Columbia.
Via The University of Iowa
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Explore BrainMass
Language of Words:Strings, Pseudocode and Recursive Function
Consider a language of words, where each word is a string of dots and dashes. The following grammar describes this language:
< word> = < dot> | < dash> < word> | < word> < dot>
< dot> = .
< dash> = -
a) Write all three-character strings that are in this language.
b) Is the string .... in this language? Explain.
c) Write a seven-character string that contains more dashes than dots and is in the language. Show how you know that your answer is correct.
d) Write pseudocode for a recursive function isIn(str) that returns true if the string str is in this language and returns false otherwise.
Solution Preview
a) All the 1 and 2 character strings are shown below so that you can see, following the given grammar, how all the 3 character strings are generated in this language.
Single-character strings in the language:
< dot>
Two-character strings in the language:
< dash>< dot>, < dot>< dot>
Three-character strings in the language:
< dash>< dash>< dot>, < dash>< dot>< dot>, < dot>< dot>< dot>
< dash>< dot>< dot> can be generated via two routes: (< dash>< dot>) < dot> and < dash> (< ...
Solution Summary
The solution not only provides the required strings, but also gives brief explanations as to how the mentioned strings can be generated.
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"language": "en",
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"url": "https://brainmass.com/computer-science/programming-languages/language-words-strings-pseudocode-recursive-function-551709"
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Passage of the Sun
Archaeoastronomical "instruments" for "measuring" or demonstrating the passage of the Sun throughout the year. The Connection is limited to those structures specifically "constructed" for observing the Sun as opposed to those for observing wider astronomical bodies/phenomena.
World Heritage Sites connected to Passage of the Sun
• Brú na Bóinne Newgrange has a remarkable Winter Solstice event
• Cuzco Temple of the Sun
• Machu Picchu Intihuatana Stone: "Intihuatana also is called "The Hitching Point of the Sun" because it was believed to hold the sun in its place along its annual path in the sky. At midday on March 21 and September 21, the equinoxes the sun stands almost above the pillar?casting no shadow at all"
• Neolithic Orkney winter solstice at Maeshowe
• Nubian Monuments Abu Simbel - "The axis of the temple was positioned by the ancient Egyptian architects in such a way that twice a year, on Oct 20 and Feb 20, the rays of the sun would penetrate the sanctuary and illuminate the sculpture on the back wall, except for the statue of Ptah, the god connected with the Underworld, who always remained in the dark. These dates are allegedly the king's birthday and coronation day respectively, but there is no evidence to support this"
• Oaxaca and Monte Alban What appears to be a "Zenith Tube" is built into the base of Building P at Monte Alban. "The sun is visible through this perpendicular shaft for several weeks around the time of the zenith passage"
• Rome Santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Marteri Link
• Sammallahdenmäki The site is associated with sun worship rituals.
• Stonehenge "the summer solstice sun rose close to the Heel Stone, and the sun's first rays shone into the centre of the monument between the horseshoe arrangement"
• Sun Temple, Konarak
• Swiss Tectonic Arena Sardona Link
• Teotihuacan Temple of the Sun
• The Architectural Work of Le Corbusier Tower of Shadows
• Tiwanaku
• Xochicalco The "Observatory" Cave is thought to be a "Zenith Tube":- In the 105 days running from April 30 to August 15, the sun shines into the cave. In the sun's movement towards the Tropic of Cancer and upon their return, respectively, on May 14/15 and 28/29 July, the sun is at its zenith and the astronomical noon, the beam of light falls directly through the chimney showing the image of the sun on the floor of the cave
Do you know of another WHS we could connect to Passage of the Sun
Send it to me!
A connection should:
1. Not be "self evident"
2. Link at least 3 different sites
5. be explained, with reference to a source
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White-tailed spider
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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White-tip spider
White tailed spider.jpg
Scientific classification
Kingdom: Animalia
Phylum: Arthropoda
Class: Arachnida
Order: Araneae
Suborder: Araneomorphae
Family: Lamponidae
Genus: Lampona
Species: L. cylindrata
L. murina
Binomial name
Lampona cylindrata
L. Koch, 1866
Lampona murina
L. Koch, 1873
White-tailed spider with egg sac.
White-tailed spiders are spiders native to southern and eastern Australia, and so named because of the whitish tips at the end of their abdomens. Body size is up to 18 mm, with leg-span of 28 mm. Common species are Lampona cylindrata and Lampona murina. Both these species have been introduced to New Zealand.[1]
White-tailed spiders are vagrant hunters that seek out and envenom prey rather than spinning a web to capture it; their preferred prey is other spiders.
They are reported to bite humans; effects include local pain, a red mark, local swelling and itchiness; rarely nausea, vomiting, malaise or headache may occur. Ulcers and necrosis have been attributed to the bites, but a scientific study by Isbister and Gray (2003) showed these had other causes, mostly infections. A study of 130 white-tailed spider bites found no necrotic ulcers or confirmed infections.[2]
Ludwig Carl Christian Koch described Lampona cylindrata in 1866 and Lampona murina in 1873. The genus name comes from the Greek lampo which means shine. The species name cylindrata refers to the cylindric body shape, while murinus means "mouse-gray" in Latin.[3][4]
L. cylindrata male specimen on display in the Australian Museum
L. cylindrata female specimen on display in the Australian Museum
L.Cylindrata-face detail with fangs
The two common species of white-tailed spiders are Lampona cylindrata and Lampona murina. They are similar in appearance; L. cylindrata is slightly larger with females being up to 18 mm long while males are up to 12 mm in body length.[5][4] The legs span approximately 28 mm.[6] The two species are not easily distinguished without microscopic examination. They are slender spiders with dark reddish to grey, cigar-shaped body and dark orange-brown banded legs. The grey abdomen has two pairs of faint white spots and—usually but not always—a distinct white spot at the tip just above the spinnerets.[4][7]
The similarities have led people to think there is only one species of white-tailed spider. It is possible that not all white-tailed species have been identified. The descriptor, white tail, is applied to a variety of species of spiders for which a distal white mark on their abdomen is a distinctive feature; other markings disappear with moultings but the white tail remains to adulthood.
L. cylindrata lay pinkish eggs which are enclosed in a flattened silk capsule and are guarded by the female until they hatch.[8]
Both species are native to Australia. Lampona cylindrata is present across south-east Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia while Lampona murina is found in eastern Australia from north-east Queensland to Victoria.[4] The spiders have been introduced in New Zealand with Lampona murina residing in the North Island for over a hundred years while Lampona cylindrata has become widespread throughout the South Island since 1980.[7]
Habitat and behaviour[edit]
They live in gardens and inside houses, beneath bark and rocks, in leaf litter and are often found in the folds of clothes, towels and shoes.[1] They do not build webs. Most active at night, they hunt for other spiders. Their favoured prey is either the black house spider[9] or the closely related brown house spider (Badumna longinquus),[10] both of which are, like the whitetail, native to Australia but have been inadvertently introduced to New Zealand.
Bites to humans[edit]
A common perception is that white tail spider bites can be associated with long term skin infections, and in rarer cases progression to necrosis. This is an attribution of infections presenting to medical care with a complaint of "spider bite." Venom has no bacteria and infections do not arise from spider bites. The well-described brown recluse bite is direct damage to skin and tissue. It has a limited area and does not spread. No formal studies have found evidence for associating necrosis with white tail spider bites.
White tail spider bites may cause a small red or discolored bump that burns or itches, similarly to an insect bite.
A debate continues about the involvement of white-tailed spider bite in cases of severe ulcerative skin lesions seen in patients diagnosed as probable spider bite victims. Typically, in such cases no direct evidence of spider bite is available. Sensational media reporting of supposed cases of severe "necrotising arachnidism" has given the white-tailed spider a bad reputation - See more at: http://australianmuseum.net.au/White-tailed-Spider#sthash.5lPlRXUa.dpuf
The issue of necrosis in some bite cases in published studies begins with a paper presented at the International Society on Toxinology World Congress held in Brisbane in 1982. Both the white-tailed spider and the wolf spider were considered as candidates for possibly causing suspected spider bite necrosis in the Australian context. In Brazil the recluse spider was identified as linked to necrosis.
Following this initial report, numerous other cases implicated white-tailed spiders in causing necrotic ulcers.[11][12][13][14] All of these cases lacked a positively identified spider — or even a spider bite in some cases. Additionally, there had not been a case of arachnogenic necrosis reported in the two hundred years of European colonisation before these cases. Of the 130 cases of white tail spider bites studied by Isbister and Gray, more than 60% reported that the person had been bitten by spiders that had got into clothing, towels or beds.
Clinical toxicologist Geoffrey Isbister studied 130 cases of arachnologist-identified white-tailed spider bites, and found no necrosis or confirmed infections, concluding that such outcomes are very unlikely for a white-tailed spider bite. The major effects from a bite in this study were local (pain, a red mark, local swelling and itchiness); and rarely systemic (nausea, vomiting, malaise or headache).[2] All these symptoms are generally mild and resolve over time.[1]
1. ^ a b c Slaughter RJ, Beasley DM, Lambie BS, Schep LJ (2009). "New Zealand's venomous creatures". N. Z. Med. J. 122 (1290): 83–97. PMID 19319171.
2. ^ a b Isbister GK, Gray MR (2003). "White-tail spider bite: a prospective study of 130 definite bites by Lampona species". Med. J. Aust. 179 (4): 199–202. PMID 12914510.
3. ^ Gray, Mike. "Lampona cylindrata (Family Lamponidae) White-tailed Spider". Australian Government: The Department of the Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts. Retrieved 2008-06-14.
4. ^ a b c d "White-tailed spiders". Australian Museum. 2003. Retrieved 2008-02-10.
5. ^ Platnick NI (2000). "A relimitation and revision of the Australasian ground spider family Lamponidae (Araneae: Gnaphosoidea)". Bull Am Mus Nat Hist. 245: 1–328. doi:10.1206/0003-0090(2000)245<0001:ARAROT>2.0.CO;2.
6. ^ "Spiders in New Zealand". New Zealand National Poison Centre. 2008. Retrieved 2008-02-10.
7. ^ a b "White-tailed spiders (Lampona cylindrata and Lampona murina)". Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa. Retrieved 2009-04-04.
8. ^ "White tailed spider: Lampona cylindrata". Museum Victoria. Retrieved 2009-04-03.
9. ^ Forster, Ray; Forster, Lyn (1999). Spiders of New Zealand and Their Worldwide Kin. Dunedin: University Of Otago Press. pp. 111–2. ISBN 1-877133-79-5.
10. ^ http://www.terrain.net.nz/friends-of-te-henui-group/spiders/grey-house-spide.html
11. ^ Gray M (July 1989). "A significant illness that was produced by the white-tailed spider, Lampona cylindrata". Med J Aust. 151 (2): 114–6. PMID 2739605.
12. ^ St George I, Forster L (May 1991). "Skin necrosis after white-tailed spider bite?". N Z Med J. 104 (912): 207–8. PMID 2052219.
13. ^ Skinner MW, Butler CS (April 1995). "Necrotising arachnidism treated with hyperbaric oxygen". Med J Aust. 162 (7): 372–3. PMID 7715520.
14. ^ Chan SW (1998). "Recurrent necrotising arachnidism". Med J Aust. 169 (11–12): 642–3. PMID 9887918.
Further reading[edit]
External links[edit]
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Form and Content
(Critical Edition of Young Adult Fiction)
Joan of Arc is taken verbatim from the first volume of Winston Churchill’s four-volume work entitled A History of the English-speaking Peoples (1956-1958). Lauren Ford adds seventeen full-color pictures interspersed throughout the text, which is itself only forty-six pages long. The biography begins with the death of King Henry V in 1422 and ends with the execution of Joan of Arc in 1431.
Churchill concentrates more on the person of Joan of Arc than on the military and political events of this part of the Hundred Years’ War. He describes her childhood, visions, battles, trial in Rouen, and death by burning. Joan’s persistence, single-mindedness, idealism, valor, innocence, and purity of motive are emphasized. The only battle discussed in any detail is Joan’s raising of the siege of Orléans, her first experience in combat. For Churchill, this event is the turning point in this phase of the Hundred Years’ War because the French troops were inspired to press the war to a conclusion. Joan’s example of bravery and fortitude gave the royal forces the confidence that they needed. Her greatest triumph was her success in having the dauphin crowned in the cathedral at Reims. When the dauphin became King Charles VII, the English realized that they had lost the propaganda war because their king, the boy Henry VI, was as yet uncrowned as the king of France—as agreed to by the Treaty of Troyes in 1420. In the eyes of the French, the...
(The entire section is 586 words.)
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Silicon Clover
Thursday, August 01, 1996
On a tabletop in Kazuo Hosokawa’s lab is a small dish of water. Sprinkled on the water’s surface are a hundred or so small, flat pieces of silicon. When Hosokawa shakes the dish, some of the little pieces begin to clump together into shapes that look something like four-leaf clovers. This humble-looking experiment is a step toward an ambitious goal. It would be nice, says Hosokawa, a mechanical engineer at the Institute of Physical and Chemical Research in Saitama, Japan, to be able to mix some silicon and metal bits and have them spontaneously assemble themselves into electronic components.
Hosokawa and his colleagues at the University of Tokyo are nowhere near that goal yet. But they have made an intriguing start, using the surface tension of water to push pieces of silicon together. Each piece, which is shaped like a semicircle with a triangle jutting out on the flat side, is about .016 inch wide. The researchers’ goal was to get four of these shapes to link, forming a clover shape, but they weren’t relying on chance to get the pieces to join; they chose the shape of the pieces for a good reason.
On a small scale, the surface tension of water is a force to be reckoned with, far more powerful than gravity. It acts on the silicon pieces somewhat like static electricity, making them stick together. But the amount of force it exerts depends on the shape of the object. Surface tension tends to minimize the surface area of the water in a confined space, and one of the ways to minimize surface area is to minimize the deformation of the water surface around floating objects.
The water surface gets most deformed around sharp points, which is why Hosokawa and his colleagues designed their silicon chips with projecting triangles. The idea was that surface tension, in its effort to minimize surface distortion, would push the silicon pieces into the desired clover shape. Surface distortion would be minimized, the researchers calculated, if the rounded edges of four linked pieces faced outward, with the triangles on each piece all pointing toward a common center.
By gently shaking the silicon, Hosokawa’s team has so far gotten about 30 out of 100 pieces to spontaneously link up into clovers. Hosokawa thinks he may get better results by using pieces of several different shapes, or even by building three-dimensional structures. Making more complicated structures might reveal the unknown principles of self- assembly, says Hosokawa. In the long run, he says, self-assembling techniques would enable us to fabricate many complicated microstructures at a high rate.
Comment on this article
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Explore BrainMass
Examples of Methods Used in Forensic Science
Describe the process of four different methods used in forensic science and discuss its usage in locating evidence. Specifically describe how shoe casting and tire impressions are done, how ALS (Alternative Light Sources) is used to locate evidence, and discuss handwriting analysis and its various uses in forensic science.
Solution Preview
Examples of Methods Used in Forensic Science
I. Process of Obtaining Casts of Shoe and Tire Impressions:
Facts from the California Department of Justice, Bureau of Forensics, Physical Evidence Bulletin, PEB 23 (Rev '98)
Process of Obtaining Casts of Shoe:
Note: Before mixing the casting material remove any loose debris like leaves and twigs, which may have fallen into the impression, but only if it does not destroy part of the impression.
1. Casting is a three-dimensional impression documentation for evidence.
2. The type of soil to cast from is the determining factor whether casting can be done.
3. Snow and fine humus soil are examples of excellent soil for casting. Casting is difficult in coarse soil.
4. The California DOJ recommends the following casting materials: dental stone, traxtone, or die cast
5. Dwayne S. Hildebrand, lead latent print examiner from the Scottsdale, Arizona, Police Crime Lab, recommends using dental stone. Hildebrand believes that dental stone "has proven to be much stronger, and therefore, does not require that reinforcement material be placed in the cast during the pouring. Most importantly, dental stone is more durable and harder than plaster of paris and can be cleaned in the laboratory with a potassium sulfate solution, with virtually no loss or erosion of detail from the surface."
(See Hildebrand, Dwayne S.(1999). Footwear, The Missed Evidence, A Field Guide to the Collection and Preservation of Forensic Footwear Impression Evidence, Wildomar: Staggs Publishing.)
6. This casting instruction is taken directly from the Physical Evidence Bulletin:
"The Dental Stone is mixed in the proportion of 1 lb./6 oz. of water and Die cast 1 lb./5 oz. of water. It is handy to preweigh one pound portions into large ziplock bags. Traxtone is prepackaged and takes 7 oz. of water to mix in its one gallon ziplock bag. Add the water ...
Solution Summary
This solution is a 1,139 word description of four examples used in Forensic Science with sources cited:
1. Shoe Casting
2. Tire Impressions
3. Alternative Light Sources (ALS)
4. Handwriting Analysis
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Why was Frederick Jackson Turner important?
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pohnpei397 | College Teacher | (Level 3) Distinguished Educator
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Frederick Jackson Turner was and is important in American history because he originated the "frontier thesis" that guided American views of history for a long time. Turner argued that the presence of the frontier made America what it was. It allowed Americans to become individualistic, self-reliant, and democratic. This thesis has been very important in American historical thinking because it has influenced the way that Americans think about themselves and the ways in which they imagine the days of the frontier and of westward expansion. In these ways, Jackson changed the way that Americans thought of themselves, their character, and where that character came from.
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Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA)
United States government
Alternative Titles: Advanced Research Projects Agency, ARPA, DARPA
Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), , also called (1958–72 and 1993–96) Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA), U.S. government agency created in 1958 to facilitate research in technology with potential military applications. Most of DARPA’s projects are classified secrets, but many of its military innovations have had great influence in the civilian world, particularly in the areas of electronics, telecommunications, and computer science. It is perhaps best known for ARPANET, an early network of time-sharing computers that formed the basis of the Internet.
DARPA owes its creation to the October 1957 launch of Sputnik by the Soviet Union, which many Americans viewed as a technological achievement as unexpected and challenging as Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor. Among other countermeasures, President Dwight D. Eisenhower created DARPA to sort out and organize competing American missile and space projects and to delineate boundaries separating military from civilian space research. By 1960 DARPA had accomplished this first goal by transferring all civilian space programs to the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and military space programs to the various branches of the U.S. armed forces.
Subsequently DARPA went on to direct research on antiballistic missiles, nuclear-test detection, radar, high-energy beams, computer science, and advanced materials. Among other innovations, DARPA projects have included the “stealth” compounds that have rendered certain U.S. aircraft (F-22 fighters and B-2 bombers) “invisible” to enemy radar, as well as new battlefield sensors, blue-green lasers, nonacoustic forms of submarine detection, computer graphics for virtual reality simulations, and nanotechnology. In the post-Cold War era, DARPA has played a key role in developing the information technology behind the so-called revolution in military affairs (RMA)—put simply, the substitution of high technology and precision munitions for troops.
Unlike other Department of Defense organizations, DARPA does not have its own laboratories or research facilities, and it maintains only a skeletal bureaucracy. Instead of hiring a large, permanent staff, DARPA awards short contracts (typically three to five years) to eminent scientists to direct research as project managers. These project managers, in turn, are given significant freedom to fund research that they believe will benefit the military. Typically, project managers use their expertise and research contacts to form a project team with members located at various American universities and corporations. In particular, DARPA is renowned for funding “revolutionary” ideas, in line with DARPA’s overall strategy of making high-risk, high-return investments. For example, DARPA’s third director, Jack Ruina (1961–63), recognized that the problem of command, control, and communication of the nation’s military forces was one that computer technology might affect. Thus, in 1962 Ruina oversaw the creation of the Information Processing Techniques Office (IPTO) under the direction of Joseph Licklider, a former psychologist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) who was active in the emerging field of human-computer interactions. As head of IPTO from 1962 to 1964, Licklider initiated three of the most important developments in information technology: the creation of computer science departments at several major universities, time-sharing, and networking.
Computers in the 1950s were room-sized and extremely expensive to build and operate. Because computer time was so costly, researchers had to schedule limited access time. Any mistakes, typographical or programmatic, in a user’s input (punch cards) would necessitate a long wait for the next available slot in the computer’s sequential schedule. And, because so much computer time was spent inputting data and printing results, the processing power of the computer was often idle. Time-sharing was developed to use computer resources more efficiently by allowing multiple programs to run “simultaneously.” In reality, the computer’s central processing unit (CPU) switched rapidly from user to user while waiting for input or while printing results. This meant that users interacted directly with the computer, typing commands and hitting the “enter” key when ready, at which time all of the computer’s processing power appeared to be focused on their program. For Licklider, time-sharing was a problem in communication as well as computing, and he funded time-sharing and networking research at MIT (Project MAC), the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), and the University of California, Berkeley. Licklider’s goal was not simply to develop time-sharing but also to develop a community of researchers who would make the new machine a central part of their investigations. It was a standard goal of IPTO and DARPA managers to investigate technology of military usefulness, but a longer-term goal was to create a community of researchers who could develop and continually reimagine a particular technology with a common set of standards and practices.
Time-sharing allowed for the creation of local area networks, but serious technical limitations soon became apparent. Beyond a certain point, adding more users slowed the system so much that it became unresponsive, or seemingly “asleep.” The solution was to find a way to network various local time-sharing networks together so that computational resources could be shared. In 1966 IPTO funded the creation of a high-speed network among the universities and corporations it had contracted. This was the beginning of the ARPANET.
Test Your Knowledge
USA Facts
ARPANET was more than a predecessor to the Internet. It was the common technological context in which an entire generation of computer scientists came of age. It differed from existing computer networks in two distinct ways. First, rather than sharing a single computer among a host of terminals (as in time-sharing), ARPANET connected a network of time-sharing computers. Second, this network used the new and unproven technology of packet switching. Before this, networks were hardwired together, much like the telephone system in which individuals are connected by specific dedicated circuits. Packet switching worked more like a postal system; that is, messages had a designated destination and return address but no mandatory delivery route. Another way to think of packet switching is that in such a network the intelligence necessary to move a message is decentralized and spread throughout the system. Such a system was of great interest to the military, since it could operate and route messages even if part of the network was destroyed.
By the time Robert Kahn became IPTO director in 1979, the Department of Defense had multiple incompatible packet-switching networks. Kahn forged the Internet from these disparate systems through the creation of the famous Transmission Control Protocol/Internet Protocol (TCP/IP), a process involving industry, academia, and the armed services. Once again DARPA hired individuals well versed in specific fields and gave them the ability to let contracts to institutions capable of doing the research and creating the final product. Of course, not even DARPA could have foreseen what the Internet would become.
Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA)
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Paragraph on the Punjab-Haryana Plain
Here is your paragraph on the Punjab-Haryana plain!
The Great Indian Desert imperceptibly gives way to the fertile plains of the Punjab and Haryana towards the east and north east.
The entire plain extends for a length of 640 km in north-west to southeast direction and is about 300 km wide in east-west direction.
The total area of this plain is above 1.75 lakh sq km. Its eastern boundary in Haryana is formed by the Yamuna River. The average elevation of the plain is about 250 m above mean sea level. Its northern part is nearly 300 m above mean sea level and it drops to about 200 m in the south-east. Part of the plain shows a flat to slightly convex planation controlled by subsurface Delhi- Aravali ridge.
The part of the plain, formed as a result of alluvial depots by five rivers, viz., the Satluj, the Beas, the Ravi, the Chenab and the Jhelum, is known as the Punjab Plain—the land of five rivers. It is primarily made up of ‘doabs’ — the land between two rivers. From east to west these doabs are as under:
(a) Bist-Jalandhar Doab, lying between the Beas and the Sutluj;
(b) Bari Doab, between the Beas and the Ravi;
(c) Rechna Doab, between the Ravi and the Chenab; ,
(d) Chaj Doab, between the Chenab and the Jhelum; and
(e) Sind Sagar Doab, between the Jhelum-Chenab and the Indus.
The depositional process by the rivers, continuing since long, has united these doabs and has given a homogenous geomorphological entity to the entire area. However, the mass of alluvium has been broken by the river courses which have carved for themselves broad flood plains of khadar flanked by bluffs, locally known as dhayas. These bluffs, as high as 3 metres or more, have been heavily gullied. The khadar belt, known as bet lands, though liable to flooding, is agriculturally valuable.
The northern part of this plain adjoining the Shiwalik hills has been intensively eroded by numerous streams called Chos. This has led to enormous gullying. The erosion by the Chos is particularly noticed in Hoshiarpur district of Punjab. In a short stretch of about 130 km nearly a hundred Chos debouch on the plains. To the south of the Satluj River there is Malwa plain of Punjab.
The area between the Ghaggar and the Yamuna rivers lies in Haryana and is often termed as ‘Haryana Tract’. It acts as water-divide between the Yamuna and the Satluj rivers. The only river between the Yamuna and the Satluj is the Ghaggar which is considered to be the present day successor of the legendary Saraswati River.
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Why are there allusions to darkness in "The Lottery"?
Expert Answers
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Early civilizations attributed the evil of their society symbolically to one member of the group, either human or animal. This creature was then killed so that the society could be rid of evil, thus allowing a better future for those who are left. In Shirley Jackson's "The Lottery," the black spot, then, is the mark of evil; the paper is contained in a black wooden box in which the ballots were made the night before and the spot made with the "heavy pencil in the coal-company office." (Coal in the slippers at Christmas is from Prince Rupert, the devil, for the bad children.)
On the day of the lottery, the person who holds the paper with this carbon spot of evil is designated as the "scapegoat." That someone should be chosen in such an arbitrary way seems absurd, but the adherence to this dark ritual points to the irrational mob psychology of people, perhaps even suggesting the psychology of the Nazis who were capable of mass genocide since Jackson wrote this story in 1948.
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"The Lottery" is a story about death. In a larger sense, it a story about a communal murder- the darkness and foreboding storm refer to what is going on on the underside. Yes, it is June 27- a beautiful summer day, but there is darkness and death abounding. The old box that holds the slips of paper is beaten up and black. All the papers are white, but one holds the dark black spot- the one that signifies death. Even the men conducting the lottery have contrasting names; one is Mr. Summers while the other is Mr. Graves.
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Words of Wisdom:
Cultural and Racial Injustice
• Date Submitted: 10/08/2012 09:35 PM
• Flesch-Kincaid Score: 59.7
• Words: 471
• Essay Grade: no grades
• Report this Essay
cultural and racial injustice can be approached in many different ways, as it is a very popular moral behind many famous books and films therefore it can easily be accessed for a research topic. The two texts I have chosen to use is the book to kill a mocking bird written by Harper lee and the film the rabbit proof fence directed by Phillip Royce. I chose these two texts because they both have very in depth examples of Injustice towards different cultures and races. Also they are both set in two very different situations which will help me get a much broader idea of my topic. For example to kill a mocking bird shows the cultural and racial injustice within a small neighbourhood town and the rabbit proof fence shows the racial and cultural injustice within the government and law. The rabbit proof fence was set in western Australia in 1931. the main idea in the film is based around the government policy which involved taking half cast children form their aboriginal families and sending them 1000 miles away to a camp called moore river where they kept half cast children to teach them the white mans ways. The three main characters are 3 young girls named Molly, Gracie and daisey aged 14, 10 and 8. They were taken from their home near the rabbit proof fence which lead from one end of the desert to the other. The man named A.O Neville who was the chief protector of the aboriginies was under law, legally able to seize half cast children. The film shows how the 3 young girls escape and find their way home and how they deal with the cultural and racial injustice of being forced to believe in the white mans culture. The novel to kill a mocking bird is based around the years of the great depression and is written through the eyes of a young girl called Scout Finch in the old town of maycome. The three main characters are scout, dill and jem. The three young children spend most of their summer holidays together, during this time a man named Atticus finch, Dill and Scouts...
1. No comments
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"url": "https://www.essaydepot.com/doc/59846/Cultural-And-Racial-Injustice"
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Expert Answers
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Meroe, the main city of the middle Nile kingdom of Kush, is impressive in its longevity (ca. 1,069 B.C.– 350 A.D.), scale (approx. 1,000 miles of the Nile valley), and cultural achievements (e.g. pyramids), but both its origins and demise are shrouded in relative obscurity.
The presence of a victory stele, or column, erected by King Ezana provides direct evidence of a seizure of Meroe by the Aksumites around 330 A.D. Therein lies the proximate cause of the collapse of Meroe, and the disappearance of Meroitic language around the same time points to the significance of the Aksumite invasion; however, historians point to some other factors that likely contributed to the demise.
Overuse of the land could have led to desertification. Meroe's iron industry required large amounts of wood, which led to deforestation. Deforestation leads to more runoff, with less moisture being absorbed by the soil. Meanwhile, overgrazing could have contributed to mineral depletion and soil erosion. In combination, these factors would have undermined agricultural productivity.
Aside from the Aksumites, there were nomadic tribes that launched periodic incursions into Kush territories. Aside from direct losses from skirmishes and battles, there was likely competition over resources with the nomadic groups and the disruption of important trade networks. Within the context of agricultural decline, this competition could have had dramatically detrimental effects on Kush and Meroe. The Aksumite invasion would, therefore, have been the final blow to a declining civilization. By the 400s A.D., Meroe was abandoned. Strangely, there is also some evidence that on the eve of collapse, the Kush kingdom was doing quite well. Archaeological research continues at Meroe and we will likely have some more certain answers in the years to come.
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Little is known about why the once-powerful Meroe civilization eventually collapsed. The former capital of the kingdom of Kush, Meroe began to decline between 100 and 200 A.D., due in part to constant warring with Roman Egypt and "the decline of its traditional industries," namely the production of iron and international trade in such items as cotton and jewelry. Other reasons for Meroe's decline include
• the "over-exploitation of the environment," making much of its soil no longer productive
• iron production had "consumed most of the forests for charcoal"
• the "demand for luxury goods fell"
• the decline of Roman Egypt itself had a financial effect
Conflicts with the kingdom of Axum threatened Meroe's trade routes along the Nile River, and Axum eventually conquered Meroe in the 4th century A.D., "although by that time there was not much left to conquer." The city was apparently abandoned between 300-350 A.D.
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Scientific Note: Evaluating potential aposematic signals in caterpillars using a fluorescent microscope and spectrometer
• Andrei Sourakov McGuire Center for Lepidoptera and Biodiversity Florida Museum of Natural History
While fluorescence induced by UV light is fascinating and useful in studying animals, it is not immediately clear how
much it correlates with the UV spectrum of reflected light, which, while invisible to humans, is visible to many other animals,
including predators. Here, I illustrate several caterpillars, Danaus plexippus (Nymphalidae), Eumaeus atala (Lycaenidae),
Isochaetes beutenmuelleri (Limacodidae), and Asbolis capucinus (Hesperiidae), contrasting their appearance under white light with
that when illuminated with UV light in near darkness. All but the last species are known to be toxic to predators. In all four species,
some parts of their body appeared to be fluorescent under UV light, which is rarely the case in cryptically colored caterpillars. In
a stinging, poisonous, but normally cryptic caterpillar of I. beutenmuelleri, fluorescence is localized to the dangerous tips of the
caterpillar’s projections, in D. plexippus to the narrow white stripes, in E. atala to the dorsal yellow spots, and in A. capucinus to
the last abdominal segment. While in the first three fluorescence appears to enhance the aposematic pattern, in the last, where the
caterpillar inhabits a tube-shaped leaf shelter, the last segment is the one that ‘plugs’ the entrance and may deliver a warning signal
to a predator. I demonstrate with the help of reflectance spectrometry that the fluorescent dorsal spots of E. atala’s caterpillar do
not reflect more UV compared to the rest of the caterpillar’s body, except for short-wave UV around 200 nm, where while the
difference is barely significant, the signal is weak. Spectrometry also demonstrates that the fluorescent spots of E. atala reflect
significantly more light than the rest of the body in yellow through near-infrared spectra, but in the green (500 nm) spectrum, the
reverse is true. Based on these examples, it may be hypothesized that fluorescence may be a potentially valuable indicator of
otherwise unrecognized warning signals encoded into caterpillar color patterns. However, field studies are required to confirm its
function as a signal.
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"language": "en",
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"url": "https://journals.flvc.org/troplep/article/view/114367"
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Growing Tomatillos
Growing tomatillos
Background to tomatillos
Tomatillos (Physalis philadelphica) are related to tomatoes and are native to Central America. They are thought to have been domesticated by the Aztecs over 2000 years ago. Although they have been exported to many countries, they are most often associated with Mexico where they are either eaten raw or cooked and made into salsa. They are closely related to the cape gooseberry (Physalis peruviana) which is yellow and has a sweeter taste.
The plants are grown in a similar way to tomatoes, but are generally more vigorous and less particular about planting conditions.
Tomatillos produce fruits the size of a cherry tomato, surrounded by a characteristic papery husk. They are harvested when they are have filled out their papery case, and are still green and have a tangy flavour. They are quite tart when raw, but take on a citrus flavour when cooked.
Growth of plants
Experimenters grew in a range of locations scattered around the UK ranging from Weymouth to near Oban. 58% of participants grew them outside and 42% in a glasshouse or polytunnel.
On average people’s tomatillos emerged 12 days after they sowed them, with a range of 5 to 34 days. The average date for first flowering was the 21st June, and first fruits set, on average a month later on the 19th July. Surprisingly, in this sample of people, growing inside did not significantly advance flowering or fruit set.
A few people noted that young plants suffered from odema, visible as numerous little pinprick bumps on the leaves. We also experienced this when raising plants at Ryton Gardens. This is a physiological disorder which occurs when the plant takes up water at a faster rate than it can evaporate from the leaves. We found that the condition went away when we watered very sparingly for a week.
People’s general comments about the plant were that, despite being termed a ‘bush’ plant, its growth was quite indeterminate, leading to unruly and untidy growth. There were few problems with pests and diseases, slugs being the most common. A few people experienced red spider mite, but nobody reported blight. Many people found the plants ‘unruly’ to grow.
Only 61% of people managed to produce a yield from this crop. The reasons for failure could not be pinpointed to a common cause but included poor germination and early plant growth and a cool summer resulting in crops growing slowly and never fruiting.
Tomatillos were quite late producing a harvest with the average start date for harvesting 21 August. The earliest was 20th July. Average yield was 0.6 kg per plant, but the highest yield was 6.8 kg per plant.
Yields were not significantly increased by growing inside, and there were no consistent trends associated with the latitude they were grown at. However, it is worth noting that one of the highest yields of just over 2 kg per plant was produced outside, as far north as Kendal.
Some individuals produced prolific yields, and complained that they did not know what to do with all the produce. Advice would be that 5 plants are too many for most families, and 2 plants would be sufficient. It is necessary to grow more than one plant as they are not self-pollinating. Some achieved very high yields and didn’t know what to do with all the produce.
Eating qualities
Opinions were divided on the flavour of raw tomatillos. There was an almost equal split between people that said they were quite unpleasant (33%), neutral (28%) and quite pleasant (26%) with the remainder stating they were either very unpleasant (8%) or very pleasant (5%). The opinion improved markedly once they were cooked with 70% of people rating them as either quite pleasant or very pleasant.
In terms of flavour qualities, the most common flavours commonly associated with the raw tomatillos were tangy (59%), sour (41%) and bitter (39%). Once they were cooked, these bitter flavours were reduced and only 8% of participants said they tasted bitter. At Ryton, we found the time of harvest important. The unripe tomatillos had a pleasant tangy flavour, but if they were allowed to ripen too much, this became cloyingly unpleasant.
Most people found that tomatillos had a tangy taste and preferred them when cooked.
Making them into salsa was the most popular way of eating them, and most people enjoyed the recipe provided. They were also frequently used to impart a tangy taste to chutneys and Indian and Mexican dishes.
The Verdict
Only 35% of participants said they were ‘quite likely to’ or ‘would definitely grow them again’ and 28% said they would definitely not grow them. Failing to get a crop put many people off, but conversely, some were put off by the glut of produce that they had little use for. Those that enjoyed growing them found them productive, easy to grow and troubled by fewer pests and diseases than tomatoes. They wouldn’t be considered a replacement for tomatoes, but could be useful for replacing lemons or limes in recipes that require a tangy taste.
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"url": "https://www.gardenorganic.org.uk/growing-tomatillos"
}
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Germany: The Two Ottos, 1848-1871
By Dr Anna Ross, published 31st March 2020
In this podcast, Dr. Anna Ross of the University of Warwick considers both Otto von Manteuffel and Otto von Bismarck by examining the roles each played in the unification of Germany. She particularly focuses on Otto von Manteuffel and his contributions while in office, specifically his backing of constitutions, his reform of the criminal justice system and his efforts at enacting redemption laws for peasants. Though Otto von Manteuffel is often disregarded, Ross argues that both Bismarck and Manteuffel contributed to German unification in equally important ways.
1. Introduction: Otto Theodor von Manteuffel
2. What did Manteuffel achieve whilst in office?
3. How does this relate to the story of Bismarck and German unification?
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"language": "en",
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"url": "https://www.history.org.uk/podcasts/categories/438/podcast/599/germany-the-two-ottos-1848-1871"
}
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Complex Societies
• complex
C3 Teachers Inquiry #1- Complex Societies
This inquiry provides students with an opportunity to evaluate a series of innovations by three complex civilizations— Maya, Aztec, and Inca. In examining the compelling question “What makes a complex society complex?” students explore how complex societies and civilizations adapt to and modify their environment to meet the needs of their people. The goal of this inquiry is to provide enough background about these innovations and technological advancements to support students as they develop arguments about what makes societies complex.
Students will focus on these three questions along the way:
1. How did the Maya use writing to represent activities in their culture?
2. What did the Aztecs do to master their watery environment?
3. Why were roads important to the Inca Empire?
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"fasttext_score": 0.9988175630569458,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9610843062400818,
"url": "https://www.aldenschools.org/Page/6080"
}
|
The Jacquard Mechanism and Punched Paper Automation
In this four part series, to complement the loom restoration work at Paradise Mill, we discover the remarkable history of the Jacquard mechanism; its origins, innovation, influence and legacy.
Our modern-day digital technologies and computer systems can trace their origins back to the invention of the Jacquard mechanism and the influence it had upon the pioneers of computing.
Macclesfield Museums has the largest known collection of Jacquard handlooms in Europe, still housed in their original location at Paradise Mill.
Jacquard. The word has come to mean a fabric with the design incorporated into the weave.
That fabric actually takes its name from the mechanism on top of the loom that creates the woven design.
Holes in card. Exciting? Entertaining? Revolutionary? Invaluable? Influential?
Maybe not the first thoughts that spring to mind. But, read on to discover the huge influence those holes have played in the development of technology that we take for granted in our modern, everyday lives.
Do you use a computer or rely on any digital technology? Yes, thank those holes in card again! This is the enduring legacy of the Jacquard mechanism and punch cards.
Codebreaking during the Second World War played a key role in furthering the development of modern computing. Punch cards and punched paper tape were invaluable to the code breaking process at Bletchley Park.
A music box tribute to the Jacquard mechanism and punched paper automation
A punched paper music box tribute to Joseph Marie Jacquard and the history and influence of punched paper automation.
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"language_score": 0.9220913648605347,
"url": "https://macclesfieldmuseums.co.uk/the-jacquard-mechanism"
}
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Hulton Archive/Getty Images
(1877–1945). English chemist and physicist Francis William Aston won the Nobel Prize for Chemistry in 1922 for his development of the mass spectrograph, a device that separates and measures atoms or molecular fragments. Aston used the mass spectrograph to discover a large number of nuclides, or types of atomic nucleus distinguished by their energy and their number of protons and neutrons. The mass spectrograph is widely used in geology, chemistry, biology, and nuclear physics.
Born in Harborne, Birmingham, England, on September 1, 1877, Francis William Aston studied at Harborne Vicarage School, Malvern College, and Mason College, Birmingham. He worked for three years as a brewery chemist but found his interests turning more strongly toward physics, where the recent discovery of X-rays and radioactivity opened new areas for research. He returned to Birmingham University (the former Mason College) in 1903 to study the creation of X-rays by the flow of current through a gas-filled tube.
In 1910 Aston joined Cambridge University as an assistant to physicist Sir J.J. Thomson at Cambridge, who was investigating positively charged rays emanating from gaseous discharges. During Aston’s assistantship Thomson obtained, from experiments with neon, the first evidence for isotopes (atoms of the same element that differ in mass) among the stable (nonradioactive) elements.
After World War I, Aston constructed a new type of positive-ray apparatus, which he named a mass spectrograph. It showed that not only neon but also many other elements are mixtures of isotopes. The mass spectrograph (later called the mass spectrometer) enabled Aston to discover 212 of the 287 naturally occurring nuclides.
He became a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1920, a fellow of the British Royal Society in 1921, and a Nobel laureate in 1922. His book Isotopes was published in 1922 (revised in 1941) and Structural Units of the Material Universe in 1923. He enjoyed skiing, rock climbing, swimming, and tennis as well as playing the cello, violin, and piano. Aston died in Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, England, on November 20, 1945.
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"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9501966238021851,
"url": "https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Francis-William-Aston/316657"
}
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The Kirkwood-Cohansey Aquifer
Kirkwood Cohansey Map Final New Jersey Pinelands
The Kirkwood-Cohansey aquifer is a vast underground reservoir containing some 17 trillion gallons of fresh water in southern New Jersey. It is a shallow, unconfined or “water table” aquifer meaning that the water in the ground is just below the land’s surface in most areas. Most water in wetlands, lakes, streams, and rivers in southern New Jersey is water that seeps or flows directly from the ground from the Kirkwood-Cohansey aquifer.
By supplying the water that flows through its rivers and streams, the aquifer also provides critical, fresh water to coastal estuaries, like Barnegat Bay, and to the Delaware River and Delaware Bay. Rivers that flow into the Atlantic Coast estuaries from the Kirkwood-Cohansey aquifer include the Mullica River, Great Egg Harbor River, Oyster Creek and dozens more. The Rancocas Creek gathers water from a broad area and flows into the Delaware River above Philadelphia and Camden. The Maurice and Cohansey Rivers flow south from the aquifer into Delaware Bay. In these ways, the aquifer sustains water supply and ecosystems far beyond its own boundary.
Because it is so shallow, it is easily polluted by fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides and chemicals that are spread or spilled on the ground’s surface. Also, over-pumping or excessive withdrawals of fresh water harms wetlands and unique plant and animal species that rely on the special characteristics of pure Kirkwood-Cohansey water.
Interactive Aquifer
Explore the Interactive Aquifer to see the effect of water overuse and impact of pollutants on groundwater in the aquifer.
Take Action to Protect Water
New Jersey's Aquifers
There are eight aquifers in southern New Jersey that provide about 75 percent of all fresh water used in homes, businesses, and for farming.
The Kirkwood-Cohansey aquifer is comprised of what are known as the Kirkwood and Cohansey geologic formations, which include underground, water-saturated layers of sand, fine gravel and some clay-like material. In some areas the Kirkwood-Cohansey aquifer is connected to deeper aquifers like the Atlantic City 800-foot sand aquifer, which is close to coastal areas and a primary source of drinking water for Jersey shore communities. Confining layers, comprised of an impermeable clay-like material, separate aquifers and prevent or inhibit water from moving from one aquifer to another.
New Jersey aquifers - Kirkwood Cohansey aquifer illustration and map
Take Action to Protect Water
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"url": "http://savethesource.org/about-the-aquifer/"
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Language Section: Spanish 13-2
Date: January 29th, 2013
Goal of the Class:
Developing conversation skills.
Defining what a stereotype is and the different ones around the world.
-Remember the students about the cultural event off campus in Olvera street.
Warm up
-Ask the students what a stereotype is.
-Brainstorm some stereotypes from Mexico, Spain and US.
-Show the students a picture of the PPT. of the Mexican colleges stereotypes
-Talk about other stereotypes and stereotypes of the Claremont colleges.
What worked well in this class? What did not work?
The class went very well and the students were very talkative and engaged telling about the different stereotypes they know of the Claremont colleges.
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"url": "https://languageresidents.pomona.edu/2013/s13-sp-stereotypes/"
}
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Nonviolence training
Nonviolence training
Back to table of contents
Nonviolence training has also been used as a tool for mobilisation and movement building. Many movements and campaign's have used dedicated training to build power, and nonviolence trainings can help to distribute power throughout a movement by empowering activists at the grassroots. Nonviolence trainings bring people in a community together together to explore issues and concerns, build trust, and work out how they can act together. There have been many examples of nonviolence training helping to strengthen a movement, from the civil rights movement in the USA, to Faslane 365 (an anti-nuclear weapons campaign in the UK) to the People Power movement, which overthrew the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines.
Nonviolence trainings can range from several hours to several months, depending on factors such as the campaign's needs and timeline, the goals for the training, the experience, available time and other resources, and availability of the participants and trainers. (see 'tasks and tools for organising and facilitating trainings')
Role of Trainers
Not all groups and communities who want nonviolence training have local trainers. But when people understand what skills are needed to conduct a training, they may realise they have already developed some of those skills and used them in different contexts. You can create a training team of co-facilitators who together can add their combined skills and experience. If possible, the training team should reflect the participants, consisting of people of various gender, age, and ethnic backgrounds.
Trainers need:
Nonviolence training during the U.S. civil rights movement
Joanne Sheehan
The earliest trainings in the U.S. took place in 1941 to prepare black and white youth to challenge racial segregation, which was often met with violence. Four youth groups aimed to integrate a swimming pool in Cleveland, and prepared by role playing. They used what they learned to develop a stronger action. This became a model of training for interracial actions.
In 1942, radical pacifists formed the 'Nonviolent Action Committee of the Fellowship of Reconciliation', which trained teams to provide leadership in anti-racist and antimilitarist work. From this group grew the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) which, in 1945 became the first organisation to develop nonviolence trainings in preparation for involvement in nonviolent actions to desegregate. CORE's first major protest in 1947 was the Journey of Reconciliation, when an integrated group of 16 men rode buses together through the segregated South for two weeks. Nonviolence training, co-facilitated by Bayard Rustin and George House, prepared them for the violence and jail sentences they encountered.
Beginning in 1947, CORE ran month-long training workshops in Washington, DC. For 10 years, participants learned theories and skills in nonviolence and organising, with the goal of ending segregation in the Capital region.
In 1959 in Nashville, Tennessee, James Lawson began weekly workshops on nonviolent methods which became participatory training sessions with stories of nonviolence, role plays, and discussions. Lawson facilitated a process of empowerment for the young black students living in a segregated society, where they developed a sense of their own value. They learned how to focus on the issue of racist segregation and choose a target. Not believing in hierarchical leadership, Lawson organised a central committee which was open to those taking the trainings. As the students developed a strategy to desegregate stores, they learned to organise, conduct a demonstration, negotiate, and deal with the media. They role played the physical and verbal abuse they would receive when they sat at a segregated lunch counter, learning how to nonviolently resist the impulse to run or fight back. Their three month campaign - which was preceded by six months of trainings - was a success, and the restaurants and stores of Nashville were desegregated. Nashville became a model for campaigns and trainings.
Eight of the young black students went on to be key organisers of major campaigns in the civil rights movement and beyond. One of them, Bernard Lafayette, trained the trainer of the first two occupations of the nuclear power plant at Seabrook starting in 1976 (see 'Seabrook-Wyhl-Marckolsheim: transnational links in a chain of campaigns' pX). Rev. James Lawson continues to provide nonviolence trainings.
Nonviolence training is part of a decades-old tradition that has empowered people to take action on the issues that matter to them. Throughout the world nonviolence trainings continue to be used to build stronger movements.
For more on Nashville, see A Force more Powerful (
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<urn:uuid:df0a5dc3-89fc-4646-8cae-09d548ba9d85>
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Wild Horse Education
Honoring the Footsteps…
Velma Johnston (Wild Horse Annie) and the footsteps of some of those that began this fight.
March is Women’s history month. We honor some of the early pioneers of wild horse and burro advocacy.
photo taken from BLM website
photo taken from BLM website
Velma Bronn Johnston (often referenced, Johnson) (March 5, 1912 — June 27, 1977) was a main voice responsible for gaining federal jurisdiction over wild horses and burros on public land. The Wild Free Roaming Horses and Burros Act was signed into law in 1971 after passing both Houses of Congress without a dissenting vote. The Act essentially created a mandate that the unregulated practice of “mustanging” was illegal and wild horses and burros would be managed humanely as “integral to the landscape” as “living symbols of the pioneer spirit of the West.”
(Please read: Apology to Velma; a letter to the woman not the myth)
“Mustanging,” was a brutal practice of capture and sale to slaughter. This practice had outraged the American public at large. However the law had a huge backlash from those that had profited from running horses down in the desert, hog tying them to wait for the kill truck and then grinding them up for fertilizer and chicken feed.
For Perspective on the work of Velma Johnston read here: https://wildhorseeducation.org/2014/09/15/perspective-1975-first-blm-wild-horse-capture/
Resentment came with the passage of the act as a fast cash crop was restricted. One such backlash was the “Burn’s Amendment.” Snuck into an omnibus spending bill before Thanksgiving recess, this bill reopened the doors for wild horses and burros to be sold legally to slaughter. READ and take ACTION HERE.
One day in 1950, on her way home from work as a secretary in Reno, Velma saw a slaughter truck on the road. Out of the back of the truck blood was dripping. She followed the truck and found wild horses were on their way to “processing.” This began her lifelong crusade to save our majestic wild horses.
Movie still from the Misfits
Movie still from the Misfits.
In 1959 the “Wild Horse Annie Act” was implemented to stop the use of motorized vehicles, like the planes and trucks seen in the film “Misfits,” on state land in Nevada.
Velma relentlessly documented the horrors of what was happening to our wild horses. With her loyal husband, Charlie Johnston, in full support and often on the range with her, they waged a campaign that spread the truth across the nation. As Charlie and Velma could not have children (Velma was struck with polio as a child) they opened their ranch to children and began a program that included a massive letter writing campaign.
That campaign was a vital component to gaining the 1971 Act.
In 1972 Velma made the following statement to Congress:
Velma stayed active in the crusade and oversaw early removals to ensure safe capture. She continued to report to Congress.
As the first government roundups began Velma was diagnosed with high blood pressure and a heart condition. But that is not what finally killed her. On June 27, 1977 “Wild Horse Annie” died of lung cancer.
The program today has more wild horses and burros in captivity than in the wild. Roundup methods are under scrutiny and wild horses are still being removed to favor private interests.
There were others that documented the horrors of what was happening to our wild horses including Hope Ryden. Hope also spent extensive time documenting and adding evidence in the case for protection of wild horses.
The Boston Globe said about Hope’s book, America’s Last Wild Horses:
When a case is put in the form of a book as engrossing as this one, it is compelling. Hope Ryden spent a lot of time in the library, and plenty on foot and horseback getting this story. She slept by waterholes, pieced together skeletons, tracked down oldtimers in their eighties and nineties. She explored a huge government tract in Nevada off-limits to humans. The area is replete with flora and fauna, including wild horses, proving that where you subtract man, you add life.
Although there is no book penned by Velma Johnston there are several about her. One such book was written for children. Review by a WHE volunteer, TSB:
Mustang: Wild Spirit of the West
Marguerite Henry is well versed in, and indeed well known for, her nonfiction books on horse-related subjects that span the gap between both young readers as well as appealing to a more mature audience, and this piece is no different. Henry turns her literary eye towards the mustangs, horses of the American west that descended from the escaped mounts of the Spanish conquistadors.
We are shown the plight of the iconic horses through the eyes of a young Velma Bronn, who would come in time to be known as “Wild Horse Annie”, a woman born and raised in Nevada in a pioneering family in the early 1900s. As a girl, Velma is given a mustang pony by the name of Hobo, a character that would become a pivotal and indeed vital part of the story of Wild Horse Annie. Early in her married life some years later, she learns of the true plight of the wild mustangs; of the ranchers distraught with the grass being eaten by the wild horses on their land, and of the dealings between the ranchers and the U.S Bureau of Land Management, or B.L.M, to conduct aerial round-ups of entire herds.
Wild Horse Annie began a war that we still wage today; a battle that started with a handful of county commissioners and led to the footsteps of Congress itself. Her story is one of adversity and true conviction, and of staying true to the creatures that helped forge a nation. This tale remains as true today as it did almost fifty years ago.
You can order a copy to share with your children and grandchildren here: http://www.amazon.com/Mustang-Wild-Spirit-Marguerite-Henry/dp/068971601X
This post was originally made on June 27, 2014 to honor the memory of those that began this fight to protect our mustangs and burros. Today our challenges are different as we fight for accountability to the intentions of protection began by those before us. Today we are at risk of losing everything those that came before us fought for. That first huge milestone, the 1971 Act, established federal jurisdiction over wild horses and burros and protected them from mustanging. Today we may be on the verge of losing it, little by little.
We thank you all for your dedication and will carry our part in this fight until we hand it to the next generation ~ WildHorseEducation.org Stand with us.
Categories: Wild Horse Education
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Timeline: Rome through the Medieval Period
You are to construct an original timeline. The timeline must do the following things:
• The timeline must include the required artworks, artistic periods, and historic dates listed below.
• The timeline must demonstrate the sequential nature of some of these events.
• The timeline must also demonstrate the overlapping nature of some of these events. How you choose to do this is up to you.
• The timeline must include dates/centuries/time markers that place each period and each artwork in the correct time frame. How you choose to do this is up to you.
Your timeline should be clear, concise, and regardless of how it is constructed, submitted electronically through an email or link. PowerPoint, Word document, jpeg file, Prezi, or even an online timeline creator is fine. No hard copies. Your textbook does have a timeline at the end of each chapter, which may be helpful.
This is a formative grade and is due by Monday, November 23rd at 11:00 p.m. Your product will be evaluated not only for its correctness and clarity. Your submission should be sent to my school email: james.elam@killeenisd.org.
Required Artworks
Al-Kahf, page form the Quran
Arch of Titus
Chi-Rho-Iota carpet page
Dome of the Rock
Hagia Sophia
Head of a Roman Patrician
Last Judgment by Gislebertus
Sutton Hoo purse cover
Required Art Periods
Rome: Empire
Early Medieval
Late Antiquity (Early Christian)
Rome: The Republic
Required Historic Dates
753 BCE Rome founded
44 BCE The assassination of Julius Caesar
325 CE Council of Nicea
476 CE Rome falls
1099 CE First Crusade captures Jerusalem
This entry was posted in Art History. Bookmark the permalink.
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The power and responsibilities between men and women.
The power and responsibilities between men and women.
The Role of Haudenosaunee Women Post European ContactMorgan CornellHIST 521: Colonial AmericaProfessor Daniel KrebsNovember 27th, 2018IntroductionThe Iroquois Nation, or the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, comprised of Mohawk, Seneca, Onondaga, Cayuga, Oneida and Tuscarora nations, were a powerful nation that relied on the delicate balance of power and responsibilities between men and women.
The strength of the Confederacy depended on its use of complementary sex roles.”Represented symbolically as the forest (external, male-oriented activities of hunting, tradeand warfare) and the clearing (internal, female-oriented activities of agriculture, child rearing and food processing), they co-existed, each with a spatially separate land base and leadership.”The legal philosophy that united the tribes together is the Kaienerekowa, or Great Law of Peace. The purpose of the Kaienerekowa was to replace conflict and chaos with diplomacy and peace. The central role of women is outlined in the philosophy, specifically in regards to lineal descent.
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In addition to lineal descent and claims to property and land, the Kaienerekowa emphasizes the importance of an equal balance between power and the sexes with both roles complementing each other. One cannot exist or be beneficial to the community without the work of the other.In traditional Haudenosaunee society, women were widely regarded as central to the success of the Nation. Women brought new life and new members of the Haudenosaunee into the world and needed to be strong in order to be able to raise strong, healthy children.
If the women are weak, frail or unable to raise healthy strong-minded children, the power of the nation is compromised. As described by Gawanahs Tonya Gonella Frichner of the Onodonga Nation, “Our way of life is cyclical and the first circle is the family. The heart of the Confederacy, which we call ourselves, is the family.
The heart of the family is the mother, because life comes from her. The children are our essence for the future. When our circle extends, it extends to the larger family, which is the clan. When we talk about the clan, it is an extended family. Your clan is determined by your mother.
“In essence, if the women of the Nation are powerful, the Nation is powerful. This is in direct contrast to European ideals of women during the time of North American colonialization. How European colonizers, particularly the English and the French, reacted to this alien idea of an egalitarian society, will drastically change how Haudenosaunee women are regarded in their society over time. The effects of increased European contact and how the Haudenosaunee reacted to economic, political, and social pressures will change the traditional views of women’s roles and responsibilities among the Haudenosaunee Confederacy in those same aspects.In many published works of native cultures, historians have focused on a Eurocentric view of Haudenosaunee women. Native women, specifically Haudenosaunee, have been analyzed in relation to European women instead of researched as a separate entity. Many of the primary sources that discuss Haudenosaunee women during the 17th century are from the perspective of men and the discussion is focused around the differences between Native women and European women.
It is only been in recent years that historians have taken a revisionist approach on the role of Haudenosaunee women during colonialization. In order to fully understand how the role of the Haudenosaunee women changed over time as a result of European contact, it is important to analyze how their roles changed in an attempt to adapt to the changing economic, political, and social environment around them rather than studying Haudenosaunee women as a separate part of society.EconomicIn order for a society like the Haudenosaunee to have grown so rapidly and amass power at the rate they did, there needed to be a stable food supply. The Haudenosaunee had a sophisticated agricultural system that allowed them to not only produce, but preserve enough food for their entire population that was able to withstand periods of drought or low crop yields.
Without a steady source of food, the Haudenosaunee would not have been able to build their strong, successful, warrior empire. The Haudenosaunee depended on garden agriculture for a majority of their food supply. The food supply gained from garden agriculture was supplemented by food gathered by women and with fish that was caught by women as well as men. The Haudenosaunee practiced shifting agriculture that was a four step process including clearing, planting, cultivating, and harvesting. The Haudenosaunee women, divided into work groups, controlled all four steps of this process.
Their diet was highly nutritious and more often than not, was more diverse than that of the Europeans in North America during the 18th century. This along with the surplus of food produced by the women in these organized work groups allowed the men to be successful on long war party campaigns that could often last several years. It could be argued that having a stored food supply is a measurement of a tribe’s wealth.
A large supply of food allowed other members of the society to focus on other pursuits besides food production such as warfare and hunting for trade rather than out of necessity.In addition to having responsibility of the food production, Haudenosaunee women held ownership over the land in which they cultivated. The term ownership in this case, meaning control as Haudenosaunee society viewed land ownership as communal but women having ultimate control over its usage. The Haudenosaunee women pre-contact also controlled the food distribution for the community, including members of the tribe as well as visitors.
Scholar Lewis Morgan describes this responsibility in Houses and House-life of the American aborigines:”Every household was organized under a matron who supervised the domestic economy. After a single daily meal was cooked at the several fires the matron was summoned, and it was her duty to divide the food, from the kettle, to the several families according to their respective needs. What remained was placed in the custody of another person until it was required by the matron…It shows that their domestic economy was not without method, and it displays the care and management of woman…”The control of food distribution by women indirectly afforded women a significant amount of power within society. Food was needed to sustain the warrior fighting enemies in other lands and if the women in the community did not support the warfighting effort, they would not supply food making the war party’s campaign impossible. The women controlled the land and the food that was cultivated from it, giving support to the warriors in return for their military services. The food the Haudenosaunee women produced proved invaluable to the warfighting effort as warriors could not hunt while on a campaign, instead relying on a corn-maple syrup foodstuff produced by the women that was easy to carry and provided adequate sustenance to the warrior.
The Haudenosaunee women’s successful food production allowed the Haudenosaunee to remain less dependent on European settlers for their survival than other Native tribes such as the Munsee. According to the account books kept by two Dutch traders, Wendell and Ulster, women were the ones who were predominately making the transactions. Among these transactions recorded in Wendell and Ulster’s account books, Kane argues that one can determine the level of interdependence a tribe has with the Europeans. Kane argues that the types of goods bought by the tribes as well as how they paid for these goods can be used to assess the economic stability of a tribe. For example, the neighboring Munsee tribe traded food in exchange for cash or day labor whereas the Haudenosaunee seldom, if ever traded for food.
From these account logs it can be determined that even though the Haudenosaunee participated in the fur trade with Europeans, they were much less in direct engagement with daily colonial day labor and were not dependent on the Europeans for food. This allowed the Haudenosaunee to remain fairly independent from the Europeans initially and consequently, less influenced by their societal norms, allowing Haudenosaunee women to remain in their high status so as long as there were no changes to the current agricultural economy. A status that will soon change as the Haudenosaunee become more engaged in trade and politics with the Europeans.PoliticalWomen are at the heart of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy’s leading philosophy, the Kaienerekowa.
The political responsibilities of Haudenosaunee women are distinctly outlined within the Kaienerekowa:The otiyaner (also known as clanmother) “set the path” of the culture. They choose the rotiyaner – the male councilors commonly called “chiefs” or “sachems” by Europeans. Wampum number fifty-four of the Kaienerekowa states, “When a chieftainship title becomes vacant through death or other cause, the Otiyaner women of the clan in which the title is hereditary shall hold a council and shall choose one of their sons to fill the office made vacant.”Clan Mothers nominated new chiefs as well as their advisors and members of the Council. A Jesuit living among the Haudenosaunee, Pierre de Charlevoix, reported that these matron-appointed advisors were both men and women and that the chiefs could do nothing without their agreement. Women also reserved the right to remove any unsatisfactory rotiyaner.
While not all women held the same political responsibility as Clan Mothers, membership in the Haudenosaunee Confederacy ran through the maternal bloodline. Also, as mentioned earlier, women held the final say in sending warriors into war. Women provided the food and moccasins that the men needed to go to war, so if the women did not provide this, the men could not go to war. Much of Haudenosaunee women’s political power derived from their great economic influence and control of the food supply. As discussed earlier, women had total control over the food they produced as well as the food the men hunted, putting them in a place of high status in Haudenosaunee society.
The political influence that women held in Haudenosaunee society caused great confusion among European observers and led to the ideology that the native men were lazy and uncivilized, letting women control what the Europeans considered a male-dominated field. The traditional way of farming the “three sisters”-corn, beans, and squash was also subject to European scrutiny and considered to be a backwards, unsophisticated way of farming. This led to Europeans using this as a justification for English colonialization of the Haudenosaunee.The extent and vast influence of Haudenosaunee women’s power in society is best described by Jesuit Pere Joseph Francois Lafitau in Jesuit Relations:”Nothing, however, is more real than this superiority of the women. It is of them that the nation really consists; and it is through them that the nobility of the blood, the genealogical tree and the families are perpetuated. All real authority is vested in them.
The land, the fields and their harvest all belong to them. They are the souls of the Councils, the arbiters of peace and of war. They have charge of the public treasury. To them are given the slaves. They arrange marriages. The children are their domain, and it is through their blood that the order of succession is transmitted.”As Brown mentioned, it is important to note that the great powers of the matrons, or Clan Mothers, were not experienced by all Haudenosaunee women.
Although, this prestige position was open to and could be achieved by all women. Unfortunately, there is a lack of detailed information on how these special positions were chosen. Although, as discussed previously, the bloodline for those men eligible for Council and Elders passed through the mother on the maternal line.
European anthropologist Goldenweiser gives an account of the power of the matrons in the tribe:”When a chief died, the women of his tribe held a meeting at which a candidate for the vacant place was decided upon. A woman delegate carried the news to the chiefs of the clans which belonged to the “side” of the deceased chief’s clan. They had the power to veto the selection, in which case another women’s meeting was called and another candidate selected.”SocialHaudenosaunee were often considered to be the bearers of the culture. The Haudenosaunee bloodline passed through them, and with it cultural norms and oral traditions. Haudenosaunee women organized and participated in ceremonies, religious and all other. The woman was the center of the family, and the family was the center of Haudenosaunee society.
Matrons of the Haudenosaunee selected religious practitioners for the community, some of these being women. In this, women had a voice in religious activities and an active role in festivals and ceremonies. Female-centered activities, such as food production and fertility, were celebrated in the ceremonial sphere and these contributions were highly respected and valued among the Haudenosaunee.Marriage and the succession of clan group membership and inheritance were also passed through the mother in Haudenosaunee society. Marriages were often arranged by the mothers and responsibility for the success of the marriage was placed upon them. The rules of marriage and inheritance for the Haudenosaunee includes:”Not least remarkable among their institutions, was that which confined transmission of all titles, rights and property in the female line to the exclusion of the male… If the wife, either before or after marriage, inherited orchards, or planting lots, or reduced land to cultivation, she could dispose of them at her pleasure and in case of death, they were inherited, together with her other effects, by her children.”This description of Haudenosaunee inheritance customs illustrates the crucial role that women played in keeping the culture and traditions, and the importance of the maternal lineage.
ConclusionHaudenosaunee society, like many other Native nations pre-European contact, benefited from an egalitarian society with complementary gender roles. The success of the Haudenosaunee agricultural economy relied on the separate, but equally important roles of the men and women to be successful. To maintain the high status of women in Haudenosaunee society, it needed this interdependence of the sexes. Women’s strong economic influence garnered them respect and gave them political power, making them very different than other women around the world during this time. As Haudenosaunee economy changed and adapted to increased contact with European settlers and European goods, so did the role of women.
As dependence on European goods, increased over time, Haudenosaunee agricultural practices changed. Faced with societal and economical pressures as a result of increased contact with Europeans, specifically the English, Haudenosaunee relied less on the labor of women; consequently resulting in a loss of the high status of women in society.BibliographyPrimary SourcesGoldenweiser, Alexander A. 1912. Summary Report of the Geological Survey of Canada, Anthropology Division, sessional paper no. 26, pp. 462-475.
Ottawa: GovernmentPrinting Bureau.Pere Joseph Francois Lafitau. 1731. An Iroquois dance and food celebration.
edu/asset/LOCEON_1039798392.Pere Joseph Francois Lafitau. 1731. Iroquois dance ceremonies.
Pere Joseph Francois Lafitau. 1731. Iroquois cooking in village while farmers are working in the Secondary Sources ADDIN ZOTERO_BIBL {“uncited”:””,””,”http://zotero.
org/users/local/1XoiSz6N/items/32S7GNRA”,”omitted”:,”custom”:} CSL_BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, Judith K. 1970. “Economic Organization and the Position of Women Among the Iroquois.” Ethnohistory 17 (3/4): 151.Foster, Martha Harroun.
1995. “Lost Women of the Matriarchy: Iroquois Women in the Historical Literature.” American Indian Culture and Research Journal 19 (3): 121–40.
17953/aicr.19.3.y227696897834055.Horn-Miller, Kahente.
2005. “OTIYANER: THE ‘WOMEN’S PATH’ THROUGH COLONIALISM.” Atlantis: Critical Studies in Gender, Culture ; Social Justice / Études Critiques Sur Le Genre, La Culture, et La Justice 29 (2): 57–68.Favor, Lesli.
2003. The Iroquois Constitution: A Primary Source Investigation of the Law of the Iroquois. First. The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc.Jacobs, Renée.
1991. “Iroquois Great Law of Peace and the United States Constitution: How the Founding Fathers Ignored the Clan Mothers.” American Indian Law Review 16 (2): 497–531.
Kane, Maeve. 2017. “For Wagrassero’s Wife’s Son: Colonialism and the Structure of Indigenous Women’s Social Connections, 1690–1730.” Journal of Early American History 7 (2): 89–114. https://doi.
org/10.1163/18770703-00702002.Shoemaker, Nancy. 1991.
“The Rise or Fall of Iroquois Women.” Journal of Women’s History 2(3): 39–57.
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Related Articles
Related Articles
Berkeley’s Algorithm
• Difficulty Level : Medium
• Last Updated : 24 Nov, 2018
Berkeley’s Algorithm is a clock synchronization technique used in distributed systems. The algorithm assumes that each machine node in the network either doesn’t have an accurate time source or doesn’t possess an UTC server.
1) An individual node is chosen as the master node from a pool nodes in the network. This node is the main node in the network which acts as a master and rest of the nodes act as slaves. Master node is chosen using a election process/leader election algorithm.
2) Master node periodically pings slaves nodes and fetches clock time at them using Cristian’s algorithm.
Diagram below illustrates how the master sends request to slave nodes.
Ping for time at client side
Diagram below illustrates how slave nodes send back time given by their system clock.
Receive time from slaves/clients
3) Master node calculates average time difference between all the clock times received and the clock time given by master’s system clock itself. This average time difference is added to the current time at master’s system clock and broadcasted over the network.
Psuedocode for above step:
# receiving time from all slave nodes
time_at_slave_node = receive_time_at_slave()
# calculating time difference
time_difference = time_at_master_node - time_at_slave_node
# average time difference calculation
average_time_difference = sum(all_time_differences) / number_of_slaves
synchronized_time = current_master_time + average_time_difference
# broadcasting synchronized to whole network
Diagram below illustrates the last step of Berkeley’s algorithm.
Send back synchronized to slaves
Scope of Improvement
• Improvision in accuracy of cristian’s algorithm.
• Ignoring significant outliers in calculation of average time difference
• In case master node fails/corrupts, a secondary leader must be ready/pre-chosen to take the place of the master node to reduce downtime caused due to master’s unavailability.
• Instead of sending the synchronized time, master broadcasts relative inverse time difference, which leads to decrease in latency induced by traversal time in the network while time of calculation at slave node.
The code below is a python script which can be used to trigger a master clock server.
# Python3 program imitating a clock server
from functools import reduce
from dateutil import parser
import threading
import datetime
import socket
import time
# datastructure used to store client address and clock data
client_data = {}
''' nested thread function used to receive
clock time from a connected client '''
def startRecieveingClockTime(connector, address):
while True:
# recieve clock time
clock_time_string = connector.recv(1024).decode()
clock_time = parser.parse(clock_time_string)
clock_time_diff = - \
client_data[address] = {
"clock_time" : clock_time,
"time_difference" : clock_time_diff,
"connector" : connector
print("Client Data updated with: "+ str(address),
end = "\n\n")
''' master thread function used to open portal for
accepting clients over given port '''
def startConnecting(master_server):
# fetch clock time at slaves / clients
while True:
# accepting a client / slave clock client
master_slave_connector, addr = master_server.accept()
slave_address = str(addr[0]) + ":" + str(addr[1])
print(slave_address + " got connected successfully")
current_thread = threading.Thread(
target = startRecieveingClockTime,
args = (master_slave_connector,
slave_address, ))
# subroutine function used to fetch average clock difference
def getAverageClockDiff():
current_client_data = client_data.copy()
time_difference_list = list(client['time_difference'
for client_addr, client
in client_data.items())
sum_of_clock_difference = sum(time_difference_list, \
datetime.timedelta(0, 0))
average_clock_difference = sum_of_clock_difference \
/ len(client_data)
return average_clock_difference
''' master sync thread function used to generate
cycles of clock synchronization in the network '''
def synchronizeAllClocks():
while True:
print("New synchroniztion cycle started.")
print("Number of clients to be synchronized: " + \
if len(client_data) > 0:
average_clock_difference = getAverageClockDiff()
for client_addr, client in client_data.items():
synchronized_time = \
+ \
except Exception as e:
print("Something went wrong while " + \
"sending synchronized time " + \
"through " + str(client_addr))
else :
print("No client data." + \
" Synchronization not applicable.")
# function used to initiate the Clock Server / Master Node
def initiateClockServer(port = 8080):
master_server = socket.socket()
socket.SO_REUSEADDR, 1)
print("Socket at master node created successfully\n")
master_server.bind(('', port))
# Start listening to requests
print("Clock server started...\n")
# start making connections
print("Starting to make connections...\n")
master_thread = threading.Thread(
target = startConnecting,
args = (master_server, ))
# start synchroniztion
print("Starting synchronization parallely...\n")
sync_thread = threading.Thread(
target = synchronizeAllClocks,
args = ())
# Driver function
if __name__ == '__main__':
# Trigger the Clock Server
initiateClockServer(port = 8080)
New synchroniztion cycle started.
Number of clients to be synchronized: 3
Client Data updated with:
Client Data updated with:
Client Data updated with:
The code below is a python script which can be used to trigger a slave/client.
# Python3 program imitating a client process
from timeit import default_timer as timer
from dateutil import parser
import threading
import datetime
import socket
import time
# client thread function used to send time at client side
def startSendingTime(slave_client):
while True:
# provide server with clock time at the client
print("Recent time sent successfully",
end = "\n\n")
# client thread function used to receive synchronized time
def startReceivingTime(slave_client):
while True:
# receive data from the server
Synchronized_time = parser.parse(
print("Synchronized time at the client is: " + \
end = "\n\n")
# function used to Synchronize client process time
def initiateSlaveClient(port = 8080):
slave_client = socket.socket()
# connect to the clock server on local computer
slave_client.connect(('', port))
# start sending time to server
print("Starting to receive time from server\n")
send_time_thread = threading.Thread(
target = startSendingTime,
args = (slave_client, ))
# start recieving synchronized from server
print("Starting to recieving " + \
"synchronized time from server\n")
receive_time_thread = threading.Thread(
target = startReceivingTime,
args = (slave_client, ))
# Driver function
if __name__ == '__main__':
# initialize the Slave / Client
initiateSlaveClient(port = 8080)
Recent time sent successfully
Synchronized time at the client is: 2018-11-23 18:49:31.166449
Below is a screenshot of runtime of above python scripts where top left console represents master thread while others represents slave threads.
Berkley Algorithm imitation
Note: The scripts above closely depicts working of Berkley’s Algorithm but may differ from the actual implementation of the algorithm in production based distributed networking systems. Availability of port 8080 is machine dependent. In case port 8080 is not free, change the port number accordingly in both master and slave scripts.
My Personal Notes arrow_drop_up
Recommended Articles
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<urn:uuid:3c8235ce-3363-4ebf-93c8-64063a584fde>
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{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.921875,
"fasttext_score": 0.2515408396720886,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.6552436351776123,
"url": "https://www.geeksforgeeks.org/berkeleys-algorithm/"
}
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17th September 2016
Author: Tim Taylor
Theme: Vikings
Age Range: KS2
Main curriculum focus: History – the Viking and Anglo-Saxon struggle for the Kingdom of England to the time of Edward the Confessor
Inquiry Questions: What was distinct about Viking culture? What were their beliefs and how did these affect their view of the world?
Expert Team: Scriptwriters
Client: BBC
Commission: To write the outline of a script for the BBC telling the story of a Viking burial site discovered recently in rural England.
In this context the students learn about the discovery of a Viking burial tomb hidden inside a hill in rural England. Looking first at the artefacts, buried with the bodies, they then explore how these objects were chosen and for what reasons.
Later the students are cast as scriptwriters, commissioned by the BBC, to write the outline of a script for a new documentary about the discovery of the tomb and what the find tells us about the Vikings, their beliefs, and their culture.
This unit can be downloaded either:
1. As word document.
2. As a Pdf.
Mailing List
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<urn:uuid:ab5bc4ed-7107-4b45-b8df-696dbf6c865d>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 4.28125,
"fasttext_score": 0.6199029088020325,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9309473037719727,
"url": "https://www.mantleoftheexpert.com/blog-post/vikings/"
}
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Unit 6 ecology journal
I’m working on a Ecology exercise and need support.
Watch the following video: https://www.nasa.gov/mp4/259924main_DeadzoneWebShort.mp4
Click here for a copy of the transcript.
In your own words, summarize how a dead zone forms along populated coasts. What are the major sources of the excess nutrients? Consider your community. What are some of the major sources of nutrient runoff that you see on a regular basis? Do you contribute to this problem? Discuss at least two ways in which you, personally, can reduce your impact on ocean life.
Place New Order
It's Free, Fast & Safe
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<urn:uuid:0dab6b71-f0ae-4152-b626-26e0deaacaeb>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.671875,
"fasttext_score": 0.04035156965255737,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9018787741661072,
"url": "https://studyaffiliates.com/unit-6-ecology-journal-2/"
}
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Scallops and Erosion
Although we often think of solids as immovable in the face of flow, the motion of air and water sculpts many parts of our world. One common pattern, seen both on surfaces that melt and those that dissolve into a flow, is called scalloping. Mathematical analysis shows that flat surfaces exposed to a flow that melts or dissolves them unavoidably develop these scallops. The surface becomes rougher as the scallops form, but the instability that drives them only works up to a specific level of roughness. Instead of the scallops becoming deeper and deeper, the flow shifts as the surface changes. Peaks in the surface erode faster than the valleys, which tends to keep the scallops relatively uniform in depth after they’ve formed. Scallops like these are often seen in soluble rocks like limestone or marble as well as in snow and ice. (Image credit: Seattle Times, G. Smith; research credit: P. Claudin et al., L. Ristroph)
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<urn:uuid:b52e4ead-dfee-4bd7-aace-0189e223a38b>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.75,
"fasttext_score": 0.04114598035812378,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9594175219535828,
"url": "https://fyfluiddynamics.com/2018/01/although-we-often-think-of-solids-as-immovable-in/"
}
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Royal Proclamation of 1763
2 thoughts on “Royal Proclamation of 1763
1. Interesting. I am wondering if my newborn daughter will actually learn in school about Aboriginal rights? Will British Columbia have settled any more reins? e.g., Tsilhqot’in Nation v. British Columbia, 2014.
2. The proclamation line was built on the treaty of Easton 1758. Where Six Nations speakers asked the Crown to prevent any further land encroachment from settlers. Also you kinda jump over the fact that Western Indigenous Nations were also dissatisfied with the English trade after the French and Indian War. Sir Ameherst’s policies, (reduce gifts for relationships as the custom in the region contributed to the “Pontiac’s Rebelilion, Conspiracy,” or as the English called it the Indian Uprising. But that’s a matter of perspective.
I think overall your blog is good but it’s such a complex matter that it seems so short and simplifed here. Please add more context.
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<urn:uuid:ceacb4bb-8443-4f69-a3d8-c7da0ac400b6>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.546875,
"fasttext_score": 0.023535072803497314,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9329603910446167,
"url": "https://thediscoverblog.com/2013/10/07/royal-proclamation-of-1763/"
}
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How Do Pedometers Work?
How many steps do you think you take in a day? Even though you might not go out jogging, you will be surprised to find out the mileage that you make just by walking around the house and taking care of daily tasks. Walking is one of the best ways to improve health and fitness, especially if you don’t have enough free time to hit the gym. While most people underestimate the number of calories they burn while walking, using a nifty device called a pedometer will help you see just how effective walking is.
How Do Pedometers Work?
Essentially, a pedometer records all the steps that you walk. There are two types of pedometers: spring-levered and piezoelectric. The first type uses a spring-suspended horizontal lever arm that automatically moves up and down in response to your movement.
Basically, the spring-levered pedometer will respond to the movement of your hips as you walk or run. As the lever arm makes contact, a step will be registered. We also want to mention that spring-levered pedometers need to be placed in a vertical plane because otherwise, they will not respond to vertical accelerations (caused by the hips).
On the other hand, we have the piezoelectric pedometer. What makes this pedometer different is the fact that it generates an electric charger whenever it is mechanically deformed. The way that this works is that the device will use a horizontal cantilevered beam that features a weight on its end, which will compress a piezoelectric crystal whenever you walk. When the crystal is subjected to movement, it will generate a voltage that is directly proportional to the acceleration.
How Accurate are Pedometers?
Even though counting steps through spring-suspended horizontal lever arms and piezoelectric crystals might seem super complicated, it’s not that difficult. Basically, a pedometer will measure your steps by using your body swings from side to side as you walk.
On the downside of things, the pedometer is not the most accurate devices. The reason behind this is that they only provide an approximate measurement of how many steps you are taking. The pedometer will sometimes count false movements as walking, such as driving, for example. The rule of thumb that you need to follow when using pedometers is to assume that there is a 10% error. However, the top pedometer manufacturers are claiming that their devices have a 5% accuracy error.
How to Correctly Wear the Pedometer
If you want to improve the accuracy of your pedometer, you need to make sure that you are wearing the device correctly. Most pedometers are equipped with a belt clipper. Therefore, you should attach the device to your belt in order to help it detect all side-to-side tilting motion of your body to register each step correctly. We want to highlight that placing the pedometer in your purse, pocket, or backpack is not a good idea. The device will have a difficult time counting steps, and the results will be inaccurate.
Pedometers vs. Step Tracker Apps
Nowadays, almost every smartphone is equipped with a built-in step tracker app. While these apps do a great job of counting steps and providing users with an estimation of how many miles they walked, they pale compared to pedometers. The old-fashioned pedometers can be clipped onto belts or even worn as a wristband to provide the most accurate readings. Nonetheless, a step tracker app accurate enough to help you stay motivated to achieve the 10,000 or higher daily step goal.
Frequently Asked Questions
What does a pedometer do?
The pedometer is a useful device that can be worn on a belt or on the wrist to help users get an accurate reading of their steps.
How many miles are 10,000 steps?
The answer is 5 miles. The average person has a stride length of approximately 2.1 to 2.5 feet. Therefore, they need to walk over 2,000 steps for one mile and 10,000 steps for 5 miles.
Will a pedometer work in your pocket?
Almost all pedometers are designed to be clipped on your belt or worn on your wrist. They will not work if you keep them in a pocket. The reason behind this is that pedometers rely on the user’s movement, and by staying in the pocket, the pedometer will not respond to accelerations and swings.
Can I wear a pedometer on my ankle?
Even though traditional pedometers are designed to be clipped on your belt or worn on your wrist, the newer models can be worn on your ankle.
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<urn:uuid:c777fb05-671f-4497-a202-833a05de3ead>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.5,
"fasttext_score": 0.5174669027328491,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9463449716567993,
"url": "https://wearableworldlabs.com/how-do-pedometers-work/"
}
|
How Do Giraffes Sleep?
How Do Giraffes Sleep
••• Akadiusz Iwanicki/Hemera/Getty Images
Scientists once assumed that giraffes – the tallest terrestrial animals on Earth – basically did without sleep, but these eccentric-looking, skyscraping African ungulates do indeed catch some shut-eye, though in mighty brief increments that we humans would find maddening. The brevity of giraffe sleep, which may take place standing or lying down, likely has to do with two fundamental factors of the long-necked browser’s life: rumination and predation.
Sleeping Postures
A study of the sleeping patterns of captive giraffes at a zoo in the Netherlands observed three kinds of sleep: standing, recumbent and paradoxical, which is another name for rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. Standing sleep saw a giraffe erect but motionless with its neck tilted a bit more forward than while walking; the researchers hypothesized this was probably a form of light napping. In recumbent sleep, giraffes lay down with legs folded and neck leaning. The classic giraffe pose of paradoxical or deep sleep has the beast lying down with its neck arched backward and its head resting on its hindquarters or the ground – a stance that's been compared to a sleeping swan.
Giraffe Sleep: Short and Sweet
Giraffe siestas tend to last no more than a few minutes at a time. In the zoo giraffes studied in Netherlands, 24 percent of REM-sleep episodes lasted less than a minute. That's deep sleep, mind you. As ruminants, giraffes spend long periods chewing their cud, and it’s possible they sometimes doze lightly while doing so. The study suggested giraffes caught an average total of 4.6 hours of winks per 24-hour cycle. Newborn calves may sleep more: One under observation in the Buffalo Zoological Garden in a 1978 study spent about a quarter of its time asleep, mostly in a deep-sleep swan pose.
Time of Day
In "The Behavior Guide to African Mammals," zoologist Richard D. Estes notes that wild giraffes typically spend part of the night lying down, alternating this repose – which peaks in early morning – with periods of browsing or standing rumination. When the moon is bright, the animals spend more time feeding and less time ruminating or reclining. Female giraffes tending offspring have their own nocturnal routine: Young calves lie hidden, trying to stay under the radar of predators, and their mothers stand alertly on guard in the vicinity.
The Risks of Forty Winks
Why do giraffes sleep only a few hours of every day? Part of the reason may be to avoid predation. On the whole, adult giraffes don’t have to worr_y_ much about predators because of their sheer size and formidable hooves. However, lying down and getting up is an awkward, somewhat protracted process for these gangly beasts, and a recumbent, sacked-out giraffe is therefore vulnerable to lions, which have a better chance in this situation of seizing the ungulate’s head and throttling it.
Another Possibility: The Realities of Rumination
Favoring catnaps instead of hitting the hay for hours at a time may have much to do with the giraffe’s diet. Rumination requires the giraffe to bring up partially digested food – the cud – from a specialized stomach chamber (the rumen) and chew it to further break it down. This ruminating takes up a goodly portion of the giraffe’s day on top of active feeding, which itself may occupy as much as 75 percent of the herbivore's time depending on the season. Given these constraints, deep sleep becomes a peripheral, on-the-side activity pursued in short spells.
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How Long Do Squirrels Nurse Their Young?
|
<urn:uuid:6d88bda8-91e7-4996-b09a-1f1c8e3b3804>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.578125,
"fasttext_score": 0.45331764221191406,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9013206362724304,
"url": "https://sciencing.com/giraffes-sleep-4565890.html"
}
|
Задание 11
Nenets culture affected by global warming
For 1,000 years the indigenous Nenets people have migrated along the 450-mile- long Yamal peninsula in northern Russia. In summer they wander northwards, taking their reindeer with them. In winter they return southwards.
But this remote region of north-west Siberia is now being affected by global warming. Traditionally the Nenets travel across the frozen River Ob in November (A) ______ around Nadym. These days, though, this annual winter migration is delayed. Last year the Nenets, together with many thousands of reindeer, had to wait until late December ) ______.
“Our reindeer were hungry. There wasn’t enough food,” Jakov Japtik, a Nenets reindeer herder, said. “The snow is melting sooner, quicker and faster than before. In spring it’s difficult for the reindeer to pull the sledges. They get tired,” Japtik said.
Herders say that the peninsula’s weather is increasingly unpredictable — with unseasonal snowstorms (С) ______, and milder longer autumns. In winter, temperatures used to go down to -50°C. Now they are normally around -30°C, according to Japtik. “Obviously we prefer -30°C. But the changes aren’t good for the reindeer (D) ______,” he said, setting off on his sledge to round up his reindeer herd.
Even here, in one of the most remote parts of the planet, (E) ______. Last year the Nenets arrived at a regular summer camping spot and discovered that half of their lake had disappeared. The water had drained away after a landslide. The Nenets report other curious changes — there are fewer mosquitoes and a strange increase in flies. Scientists say there is unmistakable evidence (F) ______.
1. when the reindeer give birth in May
2. that Yamal’s ancient permafrost is melting
3. that the impact on Russia would be disastrous
4. when the ice was finally thick enough to cross
5. the environment is under pressure
6. and set up their camps in the southern forests
7. and in the end what is good for the reindeer is good for us
Часть предложения
Аудирование Чтение Языковой материал Письмо Говорение
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<urn:uuid:848ea0ad-a44f-472f-8efa-11ee011b565d>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.53125,
"fasttext_score": 0.06444436311721802,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.8520190119743347,
"url": "http://american-center-krasnodar.ru/ege_2232/"
}
|
Jingoism: Definition, History & Examples
Instructor: David White
Through this lesson you will learn what defines jingoism, and come to understand how this political philosophy has influenced military actions and global relations.
What is Jingoism?
Over the course of the year 2014, the United States, along with other Western nations have been engaged in a bitter debate over the attempts of Russian separatists to annex a portion of Crimea. Some politicians suggest imposing greater sanctions that would stop the conflict, while others would prefer a military style intervention. The latter of these options has received considerable criticism for being what many consider to be an expression of jingoism.
Jingoism is a term used to describe a political perspective that advocates the use of threats or military force in foreign relations, as opposed to finding a peaceful or diplomatic solution. Jingoism often contains strong elements of nationalism and moral superiority, and is often present in fiercely patriotic rhetoric.
The word jingoism is derived from the 19th century European slang term 'jingo,' which is an exclamation used to avoid saying 'by God' or 'by Jesus.' The popular theory is that it was first coined in a British folk song from 1878, used to inspire patriotism. In the years that followed, the term jingoism became a popular way of describing people who were aggressively patriotic, or who embodied the sentiment of that song.
Examples of Jingoism in History
Jingoism may seem like a straightforward concept, but in practice it can become very complicated or controversial. Because jingoism is often spoken of as being a harmful point of view, but can at times seem rational, it might be useful to explore some other examples of jingoism from history.
Take, for example, the United States' ongoing conflicts with Native peoples throughout the 19th century, formally known as the Indian Wars. The government frequently used patriotism, nationalism, and racism to justify the relocation and violent oppression of Native tribes across the nation. In order to justify territorial expansion by military force, the federal government took the position that Indians were a threat to American greatness, and their resistance should be met with swift force in order to deal with the problem.
The American Indian Wars were the result of jingoist rhetoric
Indian wars
During the Cold War (c. 1947-1991), both sides of the conflict frequently relied on jingoist rhetoric to bolster support. From the perspective of the United States and its allies, democracy and Western values were the only way to move forward as a global community, thereby implying that any other type of government was in some way inferior. The USSR, on the other hand, continued their attempt to spread communism throughout eastern Europe. Though it never reached the point of war, both sides were attempting to portray themselves as superior to the other, which would justify imposing their beliefs on another country or culture. It was, in short, very jingoistic.
Modern Examples of Jingoism
The previous examples demonstrate how jingoism has affected people in the past, but as a political ideology, it remains a powerful tool in the present day.
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|
<urn:uuid:880eca11-cf36-49a6-b70e-5f0722206090>
|
{
"dataset": "HuggingFaceTB/dclm-edu",
"edu_int_score": 4,
"edu_score": 3.9375,
"fasttext_score": 0.5601539015769958,
"language": "en",
"language_score": 0.9631723761558533,
"url": "https://study.com/academy/lesson/jingoism-definition-lesson.html"
}
|
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